CONTENTS
"Invertebrate" Ivy League Panders to Patrons, Punishes Protestors with Pro-American Values
Inside Israel - Censorship on Campus
Ground Zero: The Zionist Playbook on Campus
BDS RESOLUTIONS
Zionist "SNITCH LINES" for Lil' prissy Bruised Bitch Egos & Hurt Feelings - Lawfare for Crybabies w/o Character
CONTROL CAMPUS: "Hasbara" Propaganda - Zionist Talking Pts & Creating "security" threats
McCarthyism: U.S. Congress "Ed & Workforce Committee" Holds Court of Inquistion
Other US Campus Case Studies
"Invertebrate" Ivy League: Panders to Patrons, Punishes Protestors with Pro-American Values
Dedicated Research Pages
Harvard - The Greatest Cartoon Controversy (Bogus Claims of Anti-semitism; President Deposed)
Columbia U. - President Mubarak Calls Security on Pro-American Values, Reverts to Junta -style administration with Call-up of Security Forces
Yale Law School - Tiger Tales of Supreme Hypocrisy and Drunken Professors Gone Wild, but Claiming to be "Victims"
Claremont Colleges: Peaceful protest Disbanded by Riot Police after just 2 hours; Professor Arrested for Trespassing on Public Street!
Mindful of Dismissal of Harvard 1st Black female President, the 1st Black female President of Pomona College says YES to Zio-Con Board Members, No to Safety of Students, No to Pro-American Values, Yes to being the Auntie-Tom President keeping her phat paycheck! Show her the money-She'll Nuke the Students!
1) Incident#1 Professor Arrested for Trespassing at their Own Place of Work (a public street adjacent to campus).
2) Incident#2: Riot Police, Grenade Launchers, 16+ Squad Cars, Road Blocks, Siege on Campus---In response to what? Only 16 peaceful protestors engaged in a sit-in
Inside Israel - Censorship on Campus
Israeli Universities (2023) Academics Protest Admin Cowardice & State-sponsored Censorship & Repression
Link to Research Page (Contents provided below for Reference):
Academics for Protecting Palestinians and Pluralism
Prof Barali’s Opinion 2023oct15: Arab society's responsibility for the Hamas phenomenon [aka Kill them all!]
⏩2023Nov10- University of Haifa Faculty Letter of Protest against suspension of lecturers
⏩Israeli fascist Students in favor of Censorship
2023Nov15 Pro-Censorship- Stop the incitement in the academy
Against the U.S. Zionist backed Pro-Apartheid IHRA Definition of Anti-Semitism
⏩Israel’s Academia Palestinian rights and the IHRA definition of antisemitism
the Historian Butcher of Ben-Gurion University in the Negev
⏩Opinion 2023oct15: Arab society's responsibility for the Hamas phenomenon [aka Kill them all!]
⏩Opinion 2023oct10: The face of evil in American academia
⏩Opinion 2023Oct09: The demographic attack of the High Court
⏩Opinion 2023nov05: What is non-existent in this war?
PRESS- Israel Denies Freedom of Press, Attacks New York Times
2023nov12 NYT The New York Times Responds to an Open Letter from Israel’s Foreign Ministry and Government Press Office
12 November 2023
NYTimes responds to Letter
Lior Haiat
Consul General of Israel, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and Puerto Rico
Mr. Lior Haiat assumed the post of Consul General to Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and Puerto Rico in February 2016. He comes to Miami with a wealth of experience in Hispanic, cultural and media affairs.
Prior to his arrival in Miami, he served as the Department Director of Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean Islands at the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Jerusalem for two years. From 2009-2013, Mr. Haiat served as the Spokesperson and Public Diplomacy Officer at the Embassy of Israel to Spain. From 2007-2009, Mr. Haiat served as the Deputy Spokesperson of the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Jerusalem. Previous to this role, Mr. Haiat served as the spokesperson and Cultural Attaché at the Israeli Embassy in Argentina from 2002 -2007. From 1999-2000, Mr. Haiat served as the Political Adviser and Spokesperson to MK David Tal, Chairman of the Labor, Welfare and Health Committee Israeli Parliament (Knesset).
Additionally, Mr. Haiat served as a Captain and Artillery Coordinator in the infantry unit with the Israeli Defense Forces.Mr. Haiat has a Master’s degree in Public Policy from Hebrew University and his Bachelor’s degree in Economics and Communications from Tel Aviv University. Mr. Haiat was born and raised in Petah Tikva, Israel and is married to Hani with three children. Mr. Haiat speaks Hebrew, Spanish, Portuguese, and English.
https://www.israeliamerican.org/iac-national-conference/team-member/lior-haiat
Ground Zero: The Zionist Playbook on Campus
Rule#1: Zionists are ALWAYS Victims. Rule 2. When Israelis are Aggressors, Refer to Rule#1
ON CAMPUS: The Progression of Pro-Apartheid Zionist lobbying against American values of Equality, Self-Determination, Free Speech and Assembly, Pursuit of Happiness (Knowledge & Truth) for the Purpose of Suppressing any Support for Palestinians’ Right NOT be Denied Citizenship or Human Rights upholding international law, American adherence to GenCensoring any Negative ideas, thinking, speech about the Truth of Israel’s Apartheid Occupation and tyranny against Palestinian people and the wider Arab world
If German-Americans or Japanese-Americans had sent money before or during WW2 in support of German/Japanese organizations, ‘charities,’ political partisans that were both HOSTILE to American interests AND actively destroying democratic institutions in Germany/Japan, what label would have been applied to these people who claimed they had been supporting a so-called PRO-German l/Japan lobby?
What were the words used to describe people who supported foreign agents of a HOSTILE regime? What did the U.S. government do to such people—EVEN without ANY evidence whatsoever to justify 'interning' 120,000 Japanese Americans in concentration camps without due process or compensation or concern for their constitutional rights?
Zionist Groups in US Operate Campaigns to Quash Palestine Solidarity on Campus | 2021may19
2021may19 Zionist Groups in US Operate Campaigns to Quash Palestine Solidarity on Campus
Surveillance of and smear campaigns against student activists are common features of pro-Israel lobbying operations.
By Caren Holmes , Truthout
Published May 19, 2021
From <Zionist Groups in US Operate Campaigns to Quash Palestine Solidarity on Campus | Truthout>
Part of the Series
Struggle and Solidarity: Writing Toward Palestinian Liberation
As the world bears witness to the violent dispossession of Palestinians at the hands of Israel’s apartheid regime, this very same regime is conducting a parallel project of suppression, censorship and surveillance in the United States. An extensive network of U.S.-based pro-Israel lobbying groups, working hand in hand with Israeli intelligence agencies, continue to fund multimillion-dollar campaigns to destroy Palestinian liberation struggles and ensure professional, legal and financial consequences for Americans who dare to speak out against Israeli apartheid.
College campuses have become a central battleground of the lobby’s suppression efforts. Groups like Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) pose a major threat to long-term bipartisan support for Israel as their campaigns unsettle pro-Israel political narratives and introduce young people to the violent realities of the occupation.
While pro-Israel organizations that intervene in campus activism often try to do so under the radar, their counterinsurgency strategies and patterns are being exposed. Truthout spoke with three SJP chapters across the country about their efforts to advocate for Palestinian liberation and the challenges of organizing grassroots campaigns in opposition to a multimillion-dollar lobbying and surveillance regime.
Surveillance and Smear Campaigns
In 2016, Al Jazeera sent an undercover journalist to intern and network within the Washington, D.C.-based Israel lobby. His reporting confirmed what many advocates for Palestine already suspected: The lobby is funding complex surveillance operations to undermine Palestine activists, particularly those on college campuses.
Jacob Baime, the executive director of the Israel on Campus Coalition (ICC), was caught on undercover footage boasting about the organization’s multimillion-dollar surveillance technologies and smear campaign tactics. The group’s strategy, he revealed, is fabricating allegations of antisemitism against activists in order to create a sense of crisis. The ICC conducts “oppositional research,” defames activists using anonymous websites and promotes these defamations using targeted Facebook promotions. Baime’s associate, Noah Pollak, admits that defamation is a major feature of the lobby’s strategy to suppress criticism of Israel, noting, “you discredit the messenger as a way of discrediting the message.”
Organizers in all of the SJP chapters Truthout spoke with emphasized the personal risks they shoulder in publicly condemning apartheid. Organizers cited these risks in their requests to participate in this article anonymously. Many activists end up with profiles on Canary Mission, a blacklisting website that publishes the private information of anti-apartheid student activists and academics. When this occurs, their names are publicly associated with allegations of antisemitism and “terrorist” affiliations. The website’s explicit aim is to prevent critics of Israel from accessing professional opportunities. Al Jazeera’s investigation revealed the Canary Mission website is operated by Baime and financed by convicted American-Israeli real-estate mogul Adam Milstein. Milstein is the founder is the Israel-American Council and sits on the board of prominent pro-Israel lobbying organizations, including the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), StandWithUs, Birthright Israel and the Israel on Campus Coalition.
For Palestinian students, the risk is even greater. A member of SJP at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign explains, “Many of us are ourselves Palestinian and of course run the additional risk of being banned from Palestine by the Israeli government when we are vocal about the atrocities in Palestine.”
Running surveillance and smear campaigns against student activists is a common feature of pro-Israel lobbying operations. Last year, SJP members at Tufts University were nonconsensually recorded and subsequently doxxed by Israel lobbyists attending a private, virtual event. Tufts SJP — which was campaigning to end a university program that sent Tufts University police officers on training trips to Israel — was targeted by pro-Israel lobbying groups with a barrage of attacks and accusations of antisemitism. Some of these organizations included StandWithUs, the Anti-Defamation League, the Louis D. Brandeis Center and a variety of pro-Israel news sources.
A member of Tufts SJP says that the organization is being targeted because of how effective it has been at changing the narrative about Palestine on campus. She explains, “We [SJP members] now have to be very careful to conceal our identities and have become adapted to dissociating our names from our work.” But by building a broad coalition of social justice organizations at Tufts, “we have been able to connect Palestinian struggles for freedom to the struggles of others working towards collective liberation.”
“Lawfare”
Coordinated media attacks play a particularly important role for the pro-Israel lobby. By accusing SJP’s student activists of antisemitism, these organizations legitimize the lobby’s assertion that advocacy for Palestinian rights on college campuses creates an unsafe learning environment for Jewish students. The lobby is leveraging this narrative to accomplish something much more consequential — to redefine civil rights legislation and anti-discrimination policies to include criticism of Israel as a form of antisemitism.
“Lawfare,” or legislative warfare, is a key aspect of pro-Israel lobby strategies. Organizations like the Brandeis Center lobby university administrators and tech companies, as well as local, state and federal legislatures, to adopt definitions of antisemitism that explicitly include critiques of Israel. These definitions ultimately punish students standing in opposition to Israeli apartheid.
In September 2020, the SJP chapter at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign (UIUC) successfully passed a student government resolution calling on the university to divest from companies operating in illegal West Bank settlements. The resolution garnered national outrage from pro-Israel news outlets, and the names of activists involved in the campaign were eventually added to Canary Mission’s public blacklist.
Two months later, two students in collaboration with the Brandeis Center, a pro-Israel lobbying organization based in Washington, D.C., filed an official complaint with the U.S. Department of Education alleging that the UIUC administration had failed to protect students from antisemitism.
Filing complaints with the Department of Education became a highly effective tool for Israel lobbying organizations under the Trump administration. Kenneth Marcus, the founder of the Brandeis Center — the very organization filing antisemitism complaints against universities — was nominated by President Trump to act as assistant secretary for civil rights within Betsy DeVos’s Department of Education. There, Marcus announced the department would adopt a new “working definition” of antisemitism that would include criticisms of Israel. In practical terms, Marcus paved the way for pro-Israel students and organizations to leverage the financial and legal power of the Department of Education against universities that fail to take action against Palestine advocacy on their campuses.
The Brandeis Center complaint filed against UIUC bundles instances of explicit antisemitism — like the presence of swastika graffiti on campus property — with criticism of Israel and advocacy for Palestinian liberation. A Brandeis Center lobbyist even admitted during a campaign at the University of Tennessee that the real antisemitism that Jewish students faced on the campus was from Christian evangelicals in the community trying to proselytize them, not the pro-Palestine activists at the center of the Brandeis Center’s lobbying efforts.
The UIUC university administration, under increased legal scrutiny, ultimately released a joint statement with pro-Israel organizations. The statement expressed a commitment to combating antisemitism on campus, which would include anti-Zionism and criticism of Israel.
On May 14, 2021 — amidst the height of bombings of Gaza and one of the largest Palestinian uprisings since the intifadas — Illinois General Assembly Minority Leader Jim Durkin introduced new legislation calling upon the University of Illinois to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which pro-Israel organizations like the Brandeis Center endorse. This definition expands conceptions of antisemitism to include criticism of Israeli government policy and challenges to Zionism. Durkin told the Jewish Insider, “this resolution, I hope, puts the university on notice that we’re watching, and we want you to resolve this in the appropriate way.”
The progression of pro-Israel lobby suppression campaigns on college campuses.
Jewish-led organizations like Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNow have continuously rejected the lobby’s efforts to conflate anti-Zionism with antisemitism. On the contrary, prominent Jewish activists and scholars such as Noam Chomsky and Judith Butler have argued that conflating anti-Zionism and antisemitism can itself be antisemitic: For instance, provocations by Christian Zionists and evangelicals who suggest Jews living in the United States ultimately belong in Israel. Similarly, the suggestion that critique of Israeli state violence is antisemitic necessitates the belief that Israel, and its violent colonial expansion, reflect the will of the Jewish people as a whole rather than Israeli government policy.
Regardless, the pro-Israel lobby’s coordinated campaigns to target SJP’s activism have achieved their desired effect. As a Palestinian member of SJP UIUC explains, “The media and legal scrutiny have made many students afraid to speak out,” which raises the “stakes” for pro-Palestine advocacy. Student activists are forced to reallocate their energies away from effective advocacy for Palestine and towards addressing suppression campaigns.
What’s Next?
For Israel, the war of public opinion, particularly in the West, remains an essential feature of its national security strategy. Israel enjoys unconditional and bipartisan political support within the United States Congress, an asset leveraged to the tune of $10 million each day in military aid. It’s no surprise that the Israeli government invests enormously in preserving public support for Israel and subsequently working to neutralize organizations, groups and individuals engaged in critique of Israel’s illegal occupation and institutionalized apartheid.
Both the Trump and Biden administrations have acted in lockstep with this systemic repression campaign. In September 2020, the U.S. State Department under Trump committed to “target,” “fight” and “kill” the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement (BDS), a nonviolent economic boycott campaign modeled after a similar campaign to fight South African apartheid. The Biden administration also signaled its commitment to disenfranchising Palestine advocates when his Secretary of State Antony Blinken affirmed that the administration “enthusiastically embraces” the IHRA definition of antisemitism.
The consequences of these coordinated suppression efforts are not hypothetical. They consume the political and professional careers of many Palestine solidarity activists. Recently, amid the bombing of Gaza, Emily Wilder, a Jewish journalist with the Associated Press, was fired following a campaign from right-wing groups who condemned her years of advocacy with Students for Justice in Palestine. It’s evident that Israel’s continued investment in surveillance and defamation campaigns is likely to continue to have a chilling effect, not only on the movement for Palestinian liberation but more widely on free speech.
But the enormous demonstrations taking place around the world in solidarity with Palestinian resistance to evictions in Jerusalem suggest Israel has lost the moral argument. While its lobbying power holds, many people are no longer finding Israel’s propaganda campaigns convincing. The country’s lobbying arms can no longer discredit the message — that Israel is a settler-colonial apartheid state — and instead invest in discrediting the messenger.
A member of Tufts SJP says that while they are heavily out-resourced by pro-Israel lobbying organizations, SJP campaigns are still finding success. Young people are increasingly rejecting the occupation and standing in solidarity with Palestinian freedom fighters. SJP activists can perhaps take solace in knowing that Israel’s expansion of coordinated repression is evidence of the movement’s ability to threaten the material support for colonialism, apartheid and violence that is at the heart of the Israeli occupation of Palestine.
FOLLOW THE MONEY from ISRAEL to U.S. College Campuses | 2023 Oct
The On-Campus Israel Lobby: How the Suppression of Palestinian Activism on US College Campuses Is a Multi-Million Dollar Foreign-Funded Industry
Holly Jackson
Thesis Advisor: Mahmood Mamdani
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, October 2023
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/m7fz-cn97/download
Abstract
The social groups we form in university are incredibly influential to our world view. As a result, there is a billion-dollar industry that attempts to influence the ideas of these groups. The power of student groups is evident through the long history of suppression of their free speech rights. Historically, media outlets, universities, and the government have engaged in aggressive suppression campaigns of critical American student movements — from the Black Campus Movement in the 60s to the anti-Shah Iranian student movement in the 70s.
The student Palestine solidarity movement is the current manifestation of this trend. Its centrality to the debate on Palestinian human rights in the US has been identified by many — from Palestinian human rights organizations to the Israeli prime minister. Nefariously, the current suppression movement of Palestinian activism on US college campuses is galvanized by millions of dollars from foreign actors. This study outlines how the Israeli government spends millions to infiltrate US university student life in order to spread political support for the State of Israel and suppress Palestinian activist voices.
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/srtx-tj83
EXCERPTS FROM THE PAPER
One website, The College Fix, receives several hundred thousand dollars per year in backing from right-wing nonprofits.
Another site, called Campus Reform, is operated by the US-based conservative nonprofit the Leadership Institute25 (which had a 2021 revenue of 30 million dollars26). Campus Reform recruits and “trains conservative students to monitor, surveil and report on the speech and actions of left-leaning professors, students and campus activist groups for the organization’s daily blog.”27 Both sites have been accused of spreading misinformation. A survey in the American Association of University Professors’ Academe magazine found 40% of students and faculty who were targets of Campus Reform articles received “threats of harm” after publication.
29 In some cases, students and professors have had their personal information leaked online. The Intercept reports, “more than 12 percent [of targeted individuals] reported facing disciplinary action as a result of a Campus Reform story. Ironically, in their plights for “free speech” of conservative students, these websites frequently stifle the free speech of on-campus student groups.
the American Zionist Council received over five million dollars (equivalent to around 50 million in 2023) through the Jewish Agency for Israel — an Israeli-headquartered nonprofit that credits itself with “founding and building the State of Israel. Armed with the funds from the Jewish Agency140, the American Zionist Council undertook several secret lobbying and surveillance campaigns. They “cajole[d] and intimidate[d] news media, subvert[ed] open debate about Israel and undermine[d] reporting about key issues of the day.”141 In addition, they surveilled and intimidated American professors who held beliefs critical of Israel.142 All the while, “the budget for the AZC was…approved directly by the Jewish Agency Executive in Jerusalem.”143 The money the American Zionist Council received from the Jewish Agency was conditioned on the AZC “creat[ing] favorable public opinion in this country [the USA] for Israeli government policies
AIPAC is the US’s self-proclaimed “pro-Israel” lobby148 and has never been registered as a foreign agent. AIPAC claims it has never received foreign funding nor acted on behalf of the State of Israel, but since its formation in the 1960s there have been multiple “efforts to have it register under FARA [Foreign Agents Registration Act] as an agent of the state of Israel. former AIPAC employee, M. J. Rosenberg, explains that AIPAC has never registered with the Foreign Agents Registration Act due to a “legal loophole by which AIPAC is defined not as a lobby for a foreign state but [as] Americans who support that state.”
Starting in 1948, the Department of Justice and other federal entities attempted “to get the Zionist Organization of America to register as a foreign agent seven times.”
154 They accused the Zionist Organization of America of acting as an agent of the World Zionist Organization an Israeli-headquartered NGO founded by the father of political Zionism, Theodor Herzl. But after modifying its constitution, the Zionist Organization of America was able to escape registration. In the early 1970s, the Department of Justice subpoenaed the American Section of the Jewish Agency for Israel to reveal information on its secret agreements with the Israeli government. The American Section of the Jewish Agency for Israel had been a registered foreign agent since 1943, as it was a branch of the larger Jewish Agency for Israel. But, the DOJ was specifically asking for more transparency on the Jewish Agency’s “Covenant” agreement with the Israeli government, which allowed the Jewish Agency to “review legislation before it went to the Knesset [the Israel Senate]
American Sections of the Jewish Agency for Israel and World Zionist Organization still have actively-filed foreign agent registrations with the Department of Justice.167 On their tax returns, they mark each other and their Israeli-headquartered analogues as affiliates.
Grant Smith tracks “Israel affinity organizations,” which he defines as a group of 350 (as of 2015) US-based nonprofits that declare “unconditional support for Israel as a top priority.”170 He reports, in 2015, that the total revenue of these organizations was a combined $3.7 billion171 — which makes up more than 1% of the entire revenue of the US charitable sector as a whole that year. Smith reports that this revenue is rapidly growing as well, at about 5% per year. To put this in perspective, Smith explains, “At present, in aggregate, this sector of 350 organizations with Israel as a top priority are right behind the United Way, the largest tax-exempt organization, and right ahead of the Red Cross.”
Smith explains that the Israeli affinity sector has blossomed over a series of three waves — the first promoting Zionist immigration to Palestine, the second fundraising for the Israeli army and state building efforts, and the third focused on media watch and education. He points to a germinating fourth wave — which encompasses “campus monitoring” and “Israeli activity on campus.”
Palestine Legal has identified universities as “ground zero in the clash between advocates for Palestinian human rights and the counter-campaign to silence criticism of Israel.”174 In 2014, 89% of the activists they defended were students and scholars175, which suggests the efforts of the Israel lobby are transitioning towards the college campus. The Forward — an American magazine covering Jewish life — has even mentioned a shift in which American Jewish organizations “have grown more comfortable with the notion of taking Israeli government funds”, quickly giving a nod to Hillel, a national organization of on-campus clubs for Jewish student life. In fact, even former Israeli prime minister Naftali Bennet announced, “The activities on campuses throughout the world are the real answer to the growing anti-Semitism and the delegitimization of Israel.”
In 2018, Al Jazeera planned to release a documentary series which supposedly revealed Israeli-governemnt-funded organizations that were spying on and publicly slandering American citizens, especially student activists. Ali Abuminah reports, “Some of the activity revealed in the film could include US organizations acting as front operations for Israel without registering as agents of a foreign state as required by US law.”178 This documentary series, however, was canceled after only two episodes under the suspicion that Al Jazeera faced pressure from the international Israel lobby.
Jewish student life organizations
The most popular on-campus Jewish student life organizations are a critical nexus of Israeli political activity on campus. Specifically, three organizations — Hillel, Chabad on Campus, and Olami — are the “largest providers of Jewish life on campus around the world”180, reportedly “responsible [for] 80% of activities for Jewish students on campuses.” Hillel in and of itself is “the largest Jewish campus organization in the world.”182 There are 873 Hillel branches in the US alone — which constitutes around 86% of all Hillel branches worldwide. Forty-nine of the US News’ top fifty American universities have a Hillel on-campus (the only exception is Illinois's University of Notre Dame, which explicitly promotes a Catholic education and only allows student-run Jewish associations).
many campuses are home to Chabad on Campus or Olami groups, right-wing Jewish organizations which have Hasidic leadership (but serve a non-denominational Jewish population).184 Chabad on Campus has over 260 locations on worldwide campuses185, and Olami has over 320 on- and off-campus groups for students and young professionals.186 Like Hillel, a majority of both their locations are in the US. Chabad on Campus is also regarded “as a safe haven” for “pro-Israel students.”193 While Chabad on Campus does not explicitly pledge allegiance to Israel in its mission statement, Chabad has a well-known “political role in Israel, where many of its rabbis and leaders are prominent in far-right, pro-settlement and anti-compromise activism.”194 Similarly, Olami is committed to support of the Israeli state. Olami offers activities that ensure “Israel will hold a special place in your heart and mind.”
Many Jewish students have complained that Hillel, Chabad on Campus, and Olami co-opt Jewish student life and have turned their opportunity for lifelong connection into a political project. While surveys of Jewish students have shown students’ interested in social and cultural topics far outranks their interests in politics (in fact, politics was ranked last on a list of twelve topics)196, former Hillel students and leaders have complained that being “pro-Israel” is a requirement of Hillel membership.197 Gordon Gladstone — a former director of UC Berkeley Hillel explains, “My experience is, the vast majority of students who walk through the doors of Hillel are not there because they are interested in Israel as a political issue…They’re looking for community. They didn’t sign up to fight the BDS war,” that is, to fight against Palestinians and anti-Zionists who advocate for the boycott of, divestment from, and sanctions of Israel.
198 Gladstone explains, however, that “there’s clearly a class of donors who very much think that should be the role and that should be the business…you realize the degree to which these donors have influence on the policy and behavior of the organization.”
Hillel, Chabad on Campus, and Olami partnered with an organization called Mosaic United. Mosaic United provided the groups with a combined 66 million dollars in funding over two years, from 2016 to 2018.
Mosaic is not an independent actor. The Jerusalem Post explains, “The Israeli government and Mosaic United reached an agreement whereby Jewish philanthropists would contribute $2 for every dollar donated by the Israeli government. To date [2021], Mosaic United has invested $165 million in educational programs around the world, $55 million of which has been contributed by the Israeli government.”209 This means Hillel, Chabad on Campus, and Olami received a third of their combined Mosaic funds from 2016 to 2018 (i.e. 22 million dollars) directly from the Israeli government.
Hillel also partners with Taglit-Birthright, which provides Jewish students aged 18 to 26 with free trips to Israel.232 Taglit-Birthright receives 27% of its funding from the government of Israel and 6% from the government-affiliated Jewish Agency and Jewish Federations
Finally, Hillel has partnered directly with the Israeli-government-affiliated Jewish Agency for Israel. Their partnership pays for “Israel Fellows” — whose role is “promoting Israel advocacy” — to come to US college campuses.
Israel on Campus Coalition (henceforth, ICC) was co-created by Hillel in 2002.253 Since then, the ICC’s budget has grown to almost ten million dollars per year.254 It remains a close collaborator of Hillel, and Hillel frequently donates to its activities. In addition to mobilizing support for Israel on campuses, the ICC has been accused of “using its $9 million budget to fund bullying and intimidation of Jewish and non-Jewish students alike on college campuses” who are critical of the Israeli state.259 In 2016, ProPublica and The Forward uncovered an ICC-funded Facebook campaign against a Palestinian-American poet Remi Kanazi who was visiting US colleges per the invite of Palestine solidarity organizations.260 Kanazi’s website explains he uses “his art to bring attention to systems of oppression in Palestine.”261 The ICC paid for Facebook ads to appear on profiles near the colleges Kanazi was visiting that painted Kanazi as hateful and antisemitic.
In late 2018, leaked clips from a mysteriously-canceled Al Jazeera documentary series on the USA’s Israel lobby revealed that ICC executives in fact seem to collaborate with the Israeli Ministry of Strategic Affairs on their organizational strategy.265 But covert collaboration is not the only way the Israeli government exerts influence on the ICC. Around eight percent of the ICC’s total budget (almost a million dollars) comes from the Jewish National Fund266 — an Israeli organization which owns approximately 13 percent of Israel’s total landmass267 and has a long history of close collaboration with the Israeli government
Students Supporting Israel (henceforth, SSI) is another organization with roots at over 180 US universities.268 SSI proudly announces its commitment to the Israeli State. They explain, “Our mission is to be a clear and confident pro-Israel voice on college campuses, and to support students in grassroots pro-Israel advocacy.” 269 SSI hosts over five hundred events each year, often inviting delegates from the Israeli government and former soldiers from the Israeli Defense Forces.270 In addition to forging on-campus support of Israel, SSI boasts of its harassment of Palestine solidarity organizations.
The formation of Open Hillel is also a testament to this dynamic. An Open Hillel at Guilford University released a public statement explaining why it chose to break with the larger Hillel organization: “On our campus, it is an imperative that Hillel be a place that is for all Jewish students, irrespective of their political ideology. As an open Hillel, we believe that Jewish students should be supported in expressing their Jewish identity and values in the way that is most meaningful to them. … To be an open Hillel is to welcome all perspectives on Israel-Palestine.”200 Only four Hillels, however, have ever succeeded in declaring themselves “open”201, and, two of them have since re-affiliated with the larger Hillel organization.
Hillel, Chabad, and Olami participate in multiple, contradictory projects: building Jewish spiritual life, building solidarity with Israel, and targeting critics of Israel. Their many partnership programs (which will be explored below) are focused on forging solidarities with Israel and building on-campus support for the Israeli state. Simultaneously, these organizations also engage in activities that target critics of Israel — such as Hillel’s strict pro-Israel speaker rules that precipitated the formation of Open Hillel. Yet these activities often come into conflict with their mission of promoting Jewish student life — isolating Jewish students who are not interested in politics or who have dissenting views about Israel.
Student fellowships and funding
A related program, called the Hasbara Fellowships, offers American students the chance to be paid to travel to Israel and receive “an intensive 2-week training program in pro-Israel activism.”
277 Israeli charity Aish International (Olami’s close affiliate) reports that this fellowship program was a response to a 2001 “challenge” from the Israel Foreign Ministry. The Foreign Ministry commanded, “Israel is losing the PR battle on campus…Come up with a program and we’ll be your partners.”278 The Forward reports, “In 2020 alone, Hasbara Fellowships gave out over half a million dollars to students engaging in on-campus Israel advocacy.”279 The Hasbara website claims to have had 3,000 trip participants — with 200 yearly active fellows on 95 college campuses.
StandWithUs — an organization whose mission statement is “supporting Israel and fighting antisemitism around the world”281 — produced one of these blacklists. In 2014, Mondoweiss reported that StandWithUs had been compiling “secret dossiers on pro-Palestinian speakers” in the US.282 StandWithUs amalgamated the dossiers in a website — Stand4Facts.org — which had the stated purpose of helping “Israel advocates respond to and counter anti-Israel speakers who come to your campus.”283 The website had profiles on over 100 speakers who had visited college campus — accusing them of endorsing terrorism and being antisemitic. The profiles included many well-known academics and scholars such as human rights attorney and Rutgers professor Noura Erakat and California State University professor Asad Abu’Khalil. The profiles of female activists had ratings of their attractiveness.
StandWithUs has previously gotten into trouble for failing to declare its funding from the Israeli government. In 2019, StandWithUs was granted funds from Kela Shlomo (also known as Concert) — a company whose donations are matched one-for-one by the Israeli government. 285 Kela Shlomo was formed as a “buffer” through which the Israeli government could pass funds to American nonprofits.286 When this funding was revealed, StandWithUs rejected the grant, at risk of being subject to an investigation under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.287 Previously in 2015, StandWithUs had been hired by the Israeli Prime Minister’s office (for the equivalent of about 250 thousand dollars) “to help it [the PM’s office] push the government’s political line this year [2015] via social media.”
StandWithUs’s blacklist is no longer accessible, but a larger and more extensive blacklist is being compiled by Canary Mission. Canary Mission is a notorious website that has compiled over 1,000 student, faculty, and activist profiles in an effort to “ensure that today’s radicals are not tomorrow’s employees.”289 For the most part, the website is “[d]edicated to blacklisting students involved in Palestine solidarity activism, intimidating them and denigrating their public reputations.”
290 It mainly attacks Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim students as well as students from other minority groups. 291 Fifty-two percent of the professors (full and associate) in Columbia University’s Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies are on the blacklist.
The funding of Canary Mission has remained incredibly elusive. Canary Mission is not a registered non-profit even though it solicits donations on its website. It does not publicly declare any of its funding sources. Despite Canary Mission’s efforts to hide its financial backing, investigative journalists have uncovered clues about Canary Mission’s financial and organizational structure.297 Nora Barrows-Friedman reports, “Tax filings led reporters to an Israeli company named Megamot Shalom…‘that operates or operated Canary Mission.’ Their address is an abandoned office west of Jerusalem.”
Millions of dollars are funneled into US college campuses from the Israeli government each year. The campus organizations that are the recipients of these funds are not registered as foreign agents under FARA. These organizations masquerade as student-run groups — luring new members, many of whom are just looking for social connection, into a foreign-funded propaganda trap during the most impressionable years of their life. They use their millions of dollars of funding in explicit projects to spread Israeli political messaging and suppress any resistance from grassroots Palestine solidarity organizations.
BDS RESOLUTIONS
BDS Resolution (2013) Association for Asian American Studies
AAAS BDS Actions
Association for Asian American Studies
Explainer: BDS American Studies Association -- What Does the Boycott Mean?
https://www.theasa.net/what-does-boycott-mean
What Does the Boycott of Israeli Academic Institutions Mean for the ASA?
1) Who is calling for the boycott?
This boycott is called for by Palestinian civil society, including academics. The boycott is part of a larger movement, BDS, which stands for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions.
In 2004, the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion that the wall Israel built on Palestinian territory was illegal. In 2005, a majority of Palestinian civil society groups and organizations organized together in protest against Israel’s violations of Palestinian human rights. These organizations have called for non-violent tactics of boycotts, divestments, and sanctions against Israeli academic and cultural institutions. As with South Africa, Israel’s system of racial discrimination, at all institutional levels, constitutes apartheid as recognized by international law under the 2002 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
The American Studies Association is one of several academic associations that have been asked to participate in a boycott of Israeli academic institutions. The Association for Asian American Studies already voted in Spring 2013 to support this boycott.
2) Why boycott Israeli academic institutions?
Israeli academic institutions function as a central part of a system that has denied Palestinians their basic rights. Palestinian students face ongoing discrimination, including the suppression of Palestinian cultural events, and there is sanctioning and ongoing surveillance of Palestinian students and faculty who protest Israeli policies. Israeli universities have been a direct party to the annexation of Palestinian land. Armed soldiers patrol Israeli university campuses, and some have been trained at Israeli universities in techniques to suppress protestors.
3) Why is this issue relevant to the American Studies Association?
The ASA is an organization that supports the protected rights of students, scholars, and peoples everywhere to freedoms of expression, thought, and movement. The ASA has long played an important role in critiquing racial, sexual, and gender inequality in the United States. It condemned apartheid in South Africa and urged divestment from U.S. corporations with operations there. It has condemned anti-immigrant discrimination in Arizona and in other states. It has spoken out in support of the Occupy movement, and of the human dignity and rights of the economically disenfranchised.
In addition, the United States is the world’s strongest supporter of Israel, providing the majority of Israel’s military and foreign aid, and providing political support for settlement expansion. As a U.S.-based organization, the ASA condemns the United States’ significant role in aiding and abetting Israel’s violations of human rights against Palestinians and its occupation of Palestinian lands through its use of the veto in the UN Security Council.
By responding to the call from Palestinian civil society for an academic boycott of Israeli institutions, the ASA recognizes that 1) there is no effective or substantive academic freedom afforded to Palestinians under the conditions of Israeli occupation; and that 2) Israeli institutions of higher learning are a party to Israeli state policies that violate human rights. The National Council’s decision to honor the call for the Academic Boycott of Israeli institutions is an ethical stance, a form of material and symbolic action. It represents a principle of solidarity with scholars and students deprived of their academic freedom and an aspiration to enlarge that freedom for all, including Palestinians.
4) What does the boycott mean for the ASA?
The ASA understands boycott as limited to a refusal on the part of the ASA in its official capacities to enter into formal collaborations with Israeli academic institutions, or with scholars who are expressly serving as representatives or ambassadors of those institutions (such as deans, rectors, presidents and others), or on behalf of the Israeli government, until Israel ceases to violate human rights and international law.
We are expressly not endorsing a boycott of Israeli scholars engaged in individual-level contacts and ordinary forms of academic exchange, including presentations at conferences, public lectures at campuses, and collaboration on research and publication. U.S. scholars are not discouraged under the terms of the boycott from traveling to Israel for academic purposes, provided they are not engaged in a formal partnership with or sponsorship by Israeli academic institutions. The academic boycott of Israeli institutions is not designed to curtail dialogue. Rather, it emerges from the recognition that these forms of ordinary academic exchange are often impossible for Palestinian academics due to Israeli policies. We also recognize that there are inherent difficulties in parsing these distinctions, and that ASA members will want to engage in discussion about guidelines for action.
As a large member organization representing divergent opinions, the National Council further recognizes the rights of ASA members to disagree with the decision of the National Council. The Council’s endorsement of the resolution recognizes that individual members will act according to their conscience and convictions on these complex issues. As an association that upholds the principle of academic freedom, the ASA exercises no legislative authority over its members. By contrast, it is a civil offense for scholars within Israel to endorse this boycott.
5) Would Israeli scholars be permitted to participate in the ASA conference or to be invited to my campus to speak in general, even if they relied on Israeli university funding?
Yes. This boycott targets institutions and their representatives, not individual scholars, students, or cultural workers who will be able to participate in the ASA conference or give public lectures at campuses, provided they are not expressly serving as representatives or ambassadors of those institutions, or of the Israeli government.
*In accordance with the “yes” answer immediately above, Israeli academics attended our 2014-2016 conventions and are on the program for our 2017 convention. The ASA will not prohibit anyone from registering or participating in its annual conference.
6) Would ASA members be permitted to work with Israeli scholars, Palestinian scholars in Israel, and/or collaborate with Palestinian research institutions in Israel?
Under most circumstances, yes. The academic boycott does not seek to curtail dialogue between U.S. and Israeli scholars. Collaboration on research and publications between individual scholars does not fall under the ASA boycott. However, the boycott does oppose participation in conferences or events officially sponsored by Israeli universities. Routine university funding for individual collaborations or academic exchanges is permitted.
In general, the ASA recognizes that members will review and negotiate specific guidelines for implementation on a case-by-case basis and adopt them according to their individual convictions.
7) What is required for an Israeli university to no longer be subject to the boycott?
The boycott is designed to put real and symbolic pressure on universities to take an active role in ending the Israeli occupation and in extending equal rights to Palestinians. The international boycott, divestment, and sanctions movement has called for a boycott to be in effect until these conditions are met.
8) Is the academic boycott a violation of academic freedom?
Like other academic organizations, including the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), the ASA unequivocally asserts the importance of academic freedom and the necessity for intellectuals to remain free from state interests and interference as a general good for society. Over the years, the ASA has passed several resolutions in support of intellectual freedom. In our view, the academic boycott doesn’t violate academic freedom but helps to extend it.
Under the current conditions of occupation, the academic freedom of Palestinian academics and students is severely hampered, if not effectively denied. Palestinian universities have been bombed, schools have been closed, and scholars and students deported.
The ordinary working conditions for Palestinian academics and students are severely constrained by restrictions on movement to and from work, on international travel, and by discriminatory permit systems. Israeli scholars critical of their country’s policies also face sanction since it is a civil offense for scholars in Israel to endorse the boycott. The goal of the academic boycott is to contribute to the larger movement for social justice in Israel/Palestine that seeks to expand, not further restrict, the rights to education and free inquiry.
https://www.theasa.net/what-does-boycott-mean
2013Apr20: Resolution to Support the Boycott of Israeli Academic Institutions
April 20, 2013
Whereas the Association for Asian American Studies is an organization dedicated to the preservation and support of academic freedom and of the right to education for students and scholars in the U.S. and globally; and
Whereas Arab (West Asian) and Muslim American communities, students, and scholars have been subjected to profiling, surveillance, and civil rights violations that have circumscribed their freedom of political expression, particularly in relation to the issue of human rights in Palestine-Israel; and
Whereas the Association for Asian American Studies seeks to foster scholarship that engages conditions of migration, displacement, colonialism, and racism, and the lives of people in zones of war and occupation; and
Whereas the Association for Asian American Studies seeks to advance a critique of U.S. empire, opposing US military occupation in the Arab world and U.S. support for occupation and racist practices by the Israeli state; and
Whereas the United Nations has reported that the current Israeli occupation of Palestine has impacted students “whose development is deformed by pervasive deprivations affecting health, education and overall security”; and
Whereas Palestinian universities and schools have been periodically forced to close as a result of actions related to the Israeli occupation, or have been destroyed by Israeli military strikes, and Palestinian students and scholars face restrictions on movement and travel that limit their ability to attend and work at universities, travel to conferences and to study abroad, and thereby obstruct their right to education; and
Whereas the Israeli state and Israeli universities directly and indirectly impose restrictions on education, scholarships, and participation in campus activities on Palestinian students in Israel; and
Whereas Israel imposes severe restrictions on foreign academics and students seeking to attend conferences and do research in Palestine as well as on scholars and students of Arab/Palestinian origin who wish to travel to IsraelPalestine; and
Whereas Israeli institutions of higher education have not condemned or taken measures to oppose the occupation and racial discrimination against Palestinians in Israel, but have, rather, been directly and indirectly complicit in the systematic maintenance of the occupation and of policies and practices that discriminate against Palestinian students and scholars throughout Palestine and in Israel; and
Whereas Israeli academic institutions are deeply complicit in Israel’s violations of international law and human rights and in its denial of the right to education and academic freedom to Palestinians, in addition to their basic rights as guaranteed by international law; and
Whereas the Association for Asian American Studies supports research and open discussion about these issues without censorship, intimidation, or harassment, and seeks to promote academic exchange, collaboration and opportunities for students and scholars everywhere;
Be it resolved that the Association for Asian American Studies endorses and will honor the call of Palestinian civil society for a boycott of Israeli academic institutions.
Be it also resolved that the Association for Asian American Studies supports the protected rights of students and scholars everywhere to engage in research and public speaking about Israel-Palestine and in support of the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement.
PASSED. No OBJECTIONS. No ABSTENTIONS.
April 20th, 2013 by the General Membership of the Association for Asian American Studies.
2013April23 - Zionist- SCATHING CRITICISM
A First for the Israel Boycott?
April 23, 2013
The general membership of the Association for Asian American Studies unanimously approves a resolution endorsing the boycott of Israeli universities.
By Elizabeth Redden
The general membership of the Association for Asian American Studies has unanimously approved a resolution endorsing the boycott of Israeli universities, making it the first scholarly organization in the U.S. to do so, according to the U.S. Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel.
About 10 percent of the association’s membership was present for last week’s secret ballot vote, which was open to all members and took place on the final day of the AAAS annual conference in Seattle. The resolution raises a number of concerns about the impact of Israeli policies on Palestinian students and scholars – including restrictions on travel and the forced closure or destruction of schools as a result of Israeli military actions – and describes Israeli academic institutions as “deeply complicit in Israel's violations of international law and human rights and in its denial of the right to education and academic freedom to Palestinians, in addition to their basic rights as guaranteed by international law."
“Be it resolved that the Association for Asian American Studies endorses and will honor the call of Palestinian civil society for a boycott of Israeli academic institutions,” the resolution reads in part. “Be it also resolved that the Association for Asian American Studies supports the protected rights of students and scholars everywhere to engage in research and public speaking about Israel-Palestine and in support of the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement.”
The AAAS president, Mary Yu Danico, confirmed the resolution was approved and directed questions to the association’s past president, Rajini Srikanth, a professor of English at the University of Massachusetts at Boston. Srikanth likened the academic boycott to that which was levied against South African universities to protest apartheid, and emphasized that the boycott is of institutions, not individual academics. “The reason that we’re very clear that this is a boycott of Israeli institutions and not Israeli scholars is that we are very aware that there are Israeli scholars who understand the difficulties that Palestinian academics and students have and speak up in support of Palestinian rights,” she said. “So we would absolutely be working with them, and providing them whatever support they need to challenge their institutions.”
At the same time, she said, “We would discourage partnerships with Israeli academic institutions, whether they’re curriculum partnerships or study abroad partnerships, because that would be becoming complicit with the discriminatory practices of Israeli institutions, and we would be encouraging faculty, staff and students to forge alliances with Palestinian faculty and Palestinian students who now have so much difficulty engaging in conversations with scholars from the rest of the world."
Britain’s main faculty union, the University College Union, has issued a series of resolutions over the years that fall just short of endorsing an academic boycott of Israel (see for example this 2008 resolution and this one from 2011). In April, the Teachers Union of Ireland became the first educational trade union in Europe to support an outright boycott, as The Jerusalem Post reported. However, the issue hasn’t gotten as much traction among academics on this side of the Atlantic, where boycotts are widely viewed as antithetical to academic freedom.
The American Association of University Professors opposes academic boycotts, stipulating in a 2005 statement that "since its founding in 1915, the AAUP has been committed to preserving and advancing the free exchange of ideas among academics irrespective of governmental policies and however unpalatable those policies may be viewed. We reject proposals that curtail the freedom of teachers and researchers to engage in work with academic colleagues, and we reaffirm the paramount importance of the freest possible international movement of scholars and ideas." (The AAUP further elaborated on that statement in regards to a then-proposed boycott of two Israeli universities here.)
“It’s a morally incoherent argument that somehow on behalf of the Palestinian cause it’s O.K. to abandon the principles that academics normally hold dear, which is that you don’t penalize scholars for having political affiliations that you may or may not agree with,” said Richard L. Cravatts, the president of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, a pro-Israel organization, and the director of Simmons College’s communications management program. "Having a litmus test for the political affiliations or connections of professors has always been anathema to most academics."
Cravatts also rejected as “abhorrent” what he described as a singling out of the Jewish state for criticism when many other governments engage in condemnable behavior. Srikanth argued, however, that on the contrary academic criticism of Israel is subject to suppression through intimidation or censorship and that it is precisely the absence of meaningful criticism of Israel's human rights record on the part of the U.S. government that necessitates an academic boycott. "This is where civil society comes into play," she said.
2019Feb19 RE Disciplinary Action BDS- Letter to Dean Cole at the University of Michigan Regarding Professor John Cheney-Lippold
February 19, 2019
Elizabeth R. Cole, Interim Dean
College of Literature, Science and the Arts
University of Michigan
ecole@umich.edu
Dear Dean Cole:
We write the Executive Board of the Association for Asian American Studies (AAAS) to express our grave concern
about your decision to impose disciplinary sanctions against Professor John Cheney-Lippold of the Department of
American Culture.
The ostensible reason for your action stem from his decision to not to write a letter of recommendation for a student
that would be used to support her application for a study-abroad program in Israel. As a result of your action,
Professor Cheney-Lippold will be ineligible for a salary increase for the current academic year and his sabbatical
eligibility and credits will be frozen for two years. Your decision to punish Professor Cheney-Lippold for acting on
the basis of his convictions and exercising his discretion as a faculty member is a distressing and dangerous
violation of his academic freedom.
We understand that Professor Cheney-Lippold had written this student a letter in which he explained that his
decision was informed by the “academic boycott against Israel in support of Palestinians living in Palestine.” As a
supporter of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign, Dr. Cheney-Lippold viewed this action as one
that adhered to BDS guidelines which includes a stipulation that “international faculty should not accept to write
recommendations for students hoping to pursue studies in Israel….” The University of Michigan’s Standard Practice
Guide says the following on the question of freedom of speech and artistic expression:
“Expression of diverse points of view is of the highest importance, not only for those who espouse a cause
or position and then defend it, but also for those who hear and pass judgment on that defense. The belief
that an opinion is pernicious, false, or in any other way detestable cannot be grounds for its
suppression” (Article 601.01).
Your institution’s very guidelines proscribe anyone—including deans, university administrators, or members of
boards of trustees or boards of regents—the authority to police the boundaries of academic freedom, especially in
the arbitrary way that has taken place.
Professor Cheney-Lippold came to this decision not lightly, but rather on the basis of sincerely held convictions
about an issue of public concern. Your decision to sanction him is a clear violation of the letter and spirit of the
university to which you are both employed. We therefore call on you to rescind your decision to impose disciplinary
penalties on Professor Cheney-Lippold and to publicly reaffirm the University of Michigan’s commitment to respect,
and vigorously protect, the academic freedom and free speech rights of its faculty.
Sincerely,
Theodore S. Gonzalves, Ph.D.
President (on behalf of the Executive Board) Association for Asian American Studies
Other association actions
Chancellor mocks ' Chinese language’ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S5MuEDkib6M
2020May01 AAAS resolution calling for a decolonizing peace and a formal end to the Korean War
May 1, 2020
Whereas progressive Koreans within the diaspora, including in the United States, have long organized for a peaceful resolution to the Korean War and, alongside many Asian and Pacific Islander peoples, have waged grassroots struggles against U.S. war and militarism;
Whereas the Association for Asian American Studies (AAAS) seeks to advance a critique of U.S. war and empire; foster scholarship, innovative pedagogy, and public awareness about the far-reaching impact of U.S. militarism and racial violence in Asia and the Pacific; and support people’s anti-imperialist struggles for liberation and self-determination;
Whereas the root of the current conflict on the Korean peninsula is the unresolved Korean War, an asymmetrical war of U.S. aggression precipitated by the 1945 U.S. decision to divide Korea at the 38th parallel without consulting the Korean people and undermining the Korean people’s long struggle against Japanese colonial rule and historic efforts to realize democratic self-governance;
Whereas the United States, the primary Korean War belligerent and the world’s greatest nuclear proliferator and detonator, has refused to sign onto a permanent peaceful settlement, despite the temporary July 1953 armistice recommendation that the major signatories–the United States, North Korea, and China–negotiate peace terms within three months’ time, in contrast to North Korea’s numerous requests to end the Korean War;
Whereas without a peace agreement, war can resume at any time in Korea, which stands to destroy the lives of 80 million people on the peninsula in addition to many other Asian and Pacific Islander peoples, and in this era of a nuclear-armed North Korea to inflict catastrophe within the United States and on a planetary scale;
Whereas the ongoing state of war and division in Korea has exacted a massive human toll by keeping millions of families separated, including roughly 100,000 Korean Americans, by authorizing an exploitative system of international adoption, by subjecting the peoples of Korea and the region to the constant threat of nuclear war, and by perpetuating an arms race that diverts resources from human needs and justifies the proliferation of garrison states;
Whereas U.S. military empire in Asia and the Pacific exploits the pretext of a menacing North Korea and the sub-imperial complicity of regional client-states, as in the South Korean deployment of over 300,000 soldiers to fight alongside U.S. forces in the U.S. war in Vietnam and in the strategic incorporation of sites like Diego Garcia, Guam, the Marshall Islands, Hawai‘i, and Okinawa into its “forward-deployed” posture against North Korea;
Whereas the Korean War, as a structure of permanent war, exacts an imperial toll, justifying monstrous trillion-dollar “defense” budgets–in 2015, 54% of the federal discretionary budget–enabling the United States to wage endless wars and maintain troops abroad, the contamination, resource exploitation, and seizure of Indigenous lands, and the militarization of poor, non-white peoples within its army, correlating to unemployment, austerity programs that deny access to decent education, healthcare, and housing, and the militarization of the police;
Whereas the Korean War, the longest-running U.S. conflict, enabled the United States to consolidate its global military-imperial dominance, inaugurating the U.S. military-industrial complex and justifying its base expansion, while continually justifying U.S. power projection in the region, its encirclement of China, and the ever-expanding U.S. military budget;
Whereas contrary to U.S. government and corporate media claims, U.S. joint military exercises with South Korea continue, rehearsing the collapse, invasion, and occupation of–as well as nuclear first strikes against–North Korea, according to the Pentagon’s operation plans;
Whereas the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula must be understood as imposing a commensurate obligation on the United States, given its history of repeatedly threatening North Korea with nuclear decimation and in violation of the 1953 Armistice deploying nuclear warheads to South Korea from 1958 to 1991, thereby requiring the elimination of all nuclear threats to the peninsula;
Whereas only a genuine peace agreement among the main parties to the Korean War, reflective of the Korean people’s struggle for decolonization, self-determination, liberation, and reunification, can reduce the risk of nuclear and conventional war in Korea;
Whereas the leaders of North and South Korea at the historic summit at Panmunjom on April 27, 2018 “solemnly declared before the 80 million Korean people and the whole world that there will be no more war on the Korean Peninsula and thus a new era of peace has begun,” and pledged to work together for independent unification, and in September 2018, signed an historic military agreement to cease all hostile acts and have taken concrete steps to transform the so-called demilitarized zone (DMZ) into an actual peace zone;
Whereas, since the historic 2018 summit between North Korea and the United States, diplomacy has stalled, escalating threats of war, intensifying the possibility that the Korean War’s seventieth year could give rise to the end of North Korea’s self-imposed moratorium on nuclear weapons testing and resumption of full-scale U.S.-South Korea war exercises;
Be it resolved, on the Korean War’s seventieth year, that AAAS:
Supports the Korean people who have long fought for peace and the self-determined unification of the Korean peninsula and considers ending the Korean War a necessary step in the decolonization of South Korea;
Enacts solidarity with the peoples of Asia, the Pacific, and North America who have long waged anti-militarism struggles against the projection of U.S. war power in and militarized expropriation of their homelands;
Calls on the United States to abolish its seven-decade policy of hostility and sweeping sanctions that isolate North Korea and aim to inflict widespread humanitarian catastrophe on its people, formally end the Korean War, and replace the 1953 Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace agreement;
Demands that the United States to stop all military exercises that deploy or introduce its strategic assets on the Korean peninsula, abolish its nuclear umbrella over South Korea, Asia, and the Pacific, and meet its own obligations to create a nuclear-free world;
Initiates critical reflection on and collective action regarding the complicity of U.S. universities within the military-industrial complex and our role as socially engaged scholars to analyze the structural moorings of our own conditions of possibility; and
Encourages students and scholars to engage in a three-year research and teaching initiative, starting Fall 2020, that emphasizes critical approaches to and collective inquiry about the Korean War, with a focus on the racial, sexual, colonial, and sub-imperial violence of U.S. war power as well as peoples’ struggles for decolonization.
Sponsors:
Christine Hong, UC Santa Cruz
Alfred Flores, Harvey Mudd
Elaine Kim, UC Berkeley
Crystal Baik, UC Riverside
Patrick Chung, University of Maryland
Joo Ok Kim, University of Kansas
Deann Borshay Liem, Mu Films
Minju Bae, Temple/NYU
Monica Kim, NYU
Jeff Santa Ana, Stony Brook University
Ji-Yeon Yuh, Northwestern
Naoko Shibusawa, Brown University
Signers:
Rebecca Jo Kinney, Bowling Green State University
Daniel Kim, Brown University
Elena Shih, Brown University
Ida Yalzadeh, Brown University
Mark Tseng-Putterman, Brown University
Robert G. Lee, Brown University
Takuya Maedda, Brown University
Davorn Sisavath, CA California State University, Fresno
Susie Woo, CA California State University, Fullerton
Jinah Kim, CA California State University, Northridge
Eric Mar, CA SF State
Kira Donnell, CA SF State
Wei Ming Dariotis, CA SF State
Mary Yu Danico, Cal Poly Pomona
Edith Chen, Cal State University, Northridge
Gina Masequesmay, Cal State University, Northridge
JoAnna Poblete, Claremont Graduate University
Marie Myung-Ok Lee, Columbia University
Nayoung Aimee Kwon, Duke University
Anne Joh, Garrett Theological Seminary
Kimberly McKee, Grand Valley State University
Lili Kim, Hampshire College
Sudipa Topdar, Illinois State University
Cynthia Wu, Indiana University
Clara Han, Johns Hopkins University
Nadia Young-na Kim, Loyola Marymount University
Long Le-Khac, Loyola University Chicago
Jeremy Tai, McGill University
Anita Mannur, Miami University Ohio
Elizabeth W. Son, Northwestern University
Michelle N. Huang, Northwestern University
Nitasha Sharma, Northwestern University
Cynthia Gao, NYU
Heijin Lee, NYU
Rachel Kuo, NYU
Aimee Bahng, Pomona College
Minh-Ha T. Pham, Pratt Institute
Beth Lew-Williams, Princeton University
Sarah Park Dahlen, St. Catherine University
Andrew Leong, UC Berkeley
Richard Kim, UC Davis
Christopher Fan, UC Irvine
Laura Kang, UC Irvine
Heejoo Park, UC Riverside
Sarita See, UC Riverside
Christen Sasaki, UC San Diego
Simeon Man, UC San Diego
Todd Henry, UC San Diego
Jane Komori, UC Santa Cruz
Jennifer Kelly, UC Santa Cruz
Ka-eul Yoo, UC Santa Cruz
Trung PQ Nguyen, UC Santa Cruz
Yuki Obayashi, UC Santa Cruz
Evyn Lê Espiritu Gandhi, UCLA
Hiroaki Matsusaka, UCLA
Jane Kuoch, UCLA
Jennifer Jihye Chun, UCLA
Joseph Ong, UCLA
Karen Umemoto, UCLA
Jean-Paul deGuzman, UCLA & The Windward School
Naomi Paik, UIUC
Grade Kweon, UNC Chapel Hill
Ji-Yeon Jo, UNC Chapel Hill
Audrey Wu Clark, United States Naval Academy
Nishant Upadhyay, University of Colorado Boulder
Chad Shomura, University of Colorado Denver
Na-Rae Kim, University of Connecticut
Laurel Mei-Singh, University of Hawai‘i Mānoa
Sunny Yang, University of Houston
Terry K. Park, University of Maryland
Miliann Kang, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Vivian Truong, University of Michigan
Aujean Lee, University of Oklahoma
Josen Masangkay Diaz, University of San Diego
David Roh, University of Utah
Vin Nguyen, University of Waterloo
James Matthew McMaster, UW Madison
Yumi Lee, Villanova University
Allan Lumba, Virginia Tech
Genevieve Clutario, Wellesley College
Salonee Bhaman, Yale University
Invitation to Members to Sign Petition Regarding Purdue University Northwest Chancellor Thomas Keon
December 23, 2022
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S5MuEDkib6M
Asian Americans Demand Accountability from Purdue University
Please add your name plus (optional) title and affiliation to co-sign the open letter in response to anti-Asian comments by Chancellor Thomas Keon and institutional racism at Purdue Northwest. Asian Americans and non-Asian American allies are all encouraged to sign.
SUMMARY: We call on Purdue to appoint an independent commission with expertise in Asian American Studies and the experience of Asians and Asian Americans in higher education to do the following as expeditiously as possible in dialogue with Asian American representatives of PNW’s students, staff, and faculty:
1) Develop a plan to hire a critical mass of faculty and develop curriculum in Asian American Studies throughout Purdue University.
2) Redress any identified problems of discrimination, marginalization, or under-representation in the recruitment, hiring, and retention of Asian American faculty and staff at Purdue Northwest.
3) Redress any identified problems based on a climate survey of Asian and Asian American students, faculty, and staff at Purdue Northwest.
4) Create a dedicated fund to augment co-curricular programs at Purdue Northwest that enhance understanding of Asian American history and culture.
5) Foster greater awareness and solidarity between Asian Americans and other communities of color and historically marginalized groups.
6) Secure a commitment from the university administration to fund and implement recommendations for structural change with clear benchmarks and timelines.
Link to the complete letter: https://tinyurl.com/pnwletter
The Force Behind the Nike Empire
Phil Knight built a successful business by selling shoes. He became a billionaire by selling dreams.
January/February 1997 https://stanfordmag.org/contents/the-force-behind-the-nike-empire
Also in 1992, a group named Made in America called for a boycott of Nike products because Nike shoes (like most athletic footwear) are made overseas, mainly in Asia where labor is cheap. Nike has been criticized for its low pay and abusive treatment of some workers. Using independent subcontractors, Nike makes many of its products in Indonesia, a world pariah for its well-documented human-rights abuses. New York Times columnist Bob Herbert has launched his own crusade against Nike. He accuses the company of exploiting Indonesians while quietly encouraging the Suharto government to crack down on dissent.
Over the years, Nike has also rattled cages with its penchant for signing athletes with rebellious, even dicey, reputations, such as the outspoken Barkley and the untethered Chicago Bull, Dennis Rodman. Not that Reebok endorser Sean Kemp or Converse man Larry Johnson (both guilty of taunting lesser opponents while representing the United States in the 1994 World Games) are paragons of virtue, but Nike pioneered the trend of signing athletes who project attitude as well as excellence.
An impenitent Knight shrugs when asked about these issues. "Our business practices are no different than those of our competitors," he says. "But we are bigger, and thus more visible, so we get more flack."
But it's more than that. Nike courts controversy. For instance, Nike donated $25,000 to Tonya Harding's defense fund in 1994, in part to tweak Reebok, the sponsors of Nancy Kerrigan. Nike's analog isn't the conservative team owner, but the cocky superstar who sets the agenda and is so wildly popular he knows he can get away with just about anything. "Nike is at times feisty, or counterestablishment, deliberately," says Spence, the business school dean. "That's partly Phil and partly the athletic culture Nike is modeled after."
References form Professor
Analogy to stanford boycott of Nike; boycotting in name of sustainability, and its practical implications…
BDS Resolutions (2022) Berkeley Law
Contents
⏩BDS law groups - Instagram Victory Posters
⏩Dualing in the Chronicle of Higher ED
⏩Opinion Chronicle 2022Oct20: No, Berkeley Isn’t Discriminating Against Jews
⏩Opinion Chronicle 2022Oct24: Yes, Berkeley Is Silencing Jews
⏩U.C. Berkeley School of Law Faculty Statement in Support of Jewish Law Students:
⏩Pepperdine Dean Paul Caron - Update The Review | Opinion
⏩Legal attacks
⏩TITLE VI CLAIM AGAINST UC BERKELEY LAW SCHOOL
⏩National Press
⏩2022Nov20 LAT- How a Berkeley Law debate on free speech got turned into a social media circus - Los Angeles Times
⏩2022Dec21 NYT: At UC-Berkeley Law, A Debate Over Zionism, Free Speech, And Campus Ideals
⏩Critics & Chronicles: Paul Caron, Law Dean, Pepperdine U.
⏩More Critics
⏩Bernstein: Some Berkeley Law "Jew Free Zone" Updates
⏩Wapo 2015 Opinion Bernstein: The one-state solution and the brutal honesty of Edward Said
⏩2019: Cal Jewish students still ‘pained’ over anti-Zionist remarks
BDS Resolutions (2022) Berkeley Law - Fake "Jewish Free Zones" Pisses off American Jewish Committee
In Internal Memo, American Jewish Committee Blasts Op-Ed on “Jewish-Free Zones” at Berkeley Law
The group’s disavowal of an article written by Israel advocate Kenneth Marcus revealed tension over the best strategy to combat campus Palestine activism.
In Internal Memo, American Jewish Committee Blasts Op-Ed on “Jewish-Free Zones” at Berkeley Law
Mari Cohen and Alex Kane
October 14, 2022
On September 28th, prominent Israel advocate Kenneth Marcus published an op-ed in the Los Angeles-based Jewish Journal that quickly grabbed national attention. The op-ed accused the University of California Berkeley School of Law of maintaining what Marcus—the former assistant secretary for civil rights at the Department of Education and founder of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, an Israel-advocacy legal group—called “Jewish-free zones.” In fact, no such zones existed; Marcus was referring to the fact that nine student groups at the law school, responding to a campaign by the school’s Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapter, had adopted a new bylaw pledging not to invite speakers who support Zionism. In the widely circulated piece, Marcus argued that this policy amounts to “target[ing] Jewish Americans directly” and that “using ‘Zionist’ as a euphemism for Jew is nothing more than a confidence trick.”
Bullying
Other Israel-advocacy groups, like the American Jewish Committee (AJC), appeared to share Marcus’s desire to condemn Berkeley. In an October 3rd open letter published in the Jewish Journal, the AJC joined 39 “pro-Israel” groups, including Marcus’s Brandeis Center, in demanding that Berkeley sanction the student groups if they did not rescind the bylaw. At least one AJC chapter, in Seattle, shared Marcus’s piece on its Facebook page.
But behind the scenes, the AJC was critical of Marcus’s tactics. In a confidential internal memo obtained by Jewish Currents, Sara Coodin, the AJC’s director of academic affairs, wrote that Marcus’s op-ed’s “central claim was inflammatory, resulting in a distorted picture of both this incident and the overall climate for Jewish students on campus.” Through its own meetings with Berkeley students and professors, Coodin wrote, the AJC had learned that “conversations on campus have had a less contentious tone than those taking place in the wider American Jewish community”; she highlighted a Jewish News of Northern California op-ed by Berkeley Israel studies professor Ron Hassner and history professor Ethan Katz arguing that Jewish student life and Israel studies programming at Berkeley is “thriving.” Still, Coodin said that if other university chapters introduce similar campaigns encouraging clubs to bar Zioinst speakers, the AJC plans to combat them. (Coodin and the AJC did not respond to requests for comment on the memo by press time, nor did Marcus.)
The AJC’s internal disavowal of the Marcus op-ed illustrates a strategic tension that exists even among Israel-advocacy groups that broadly share the goals of combatting Palestine activism on US campuses. While hardline groups like Marcus’s Brandeis Center condemn US colleges as bastions of Jew-hatred and seek to punish them with civil rights claims on behalf of Jewish students, organizations like the AJC tend to employ a softer touch, and are more willing to work with universities. “There’s a long-running debate” among Jewish organizations over “what strategy is best: whether you should work more quietly and work with those on campus, or whether you should use a more confrontational approach with the potential threat of lawsuits,” said Dov Waxman, director of the UCLA Y&S Nazarian Center for Israel Studies and author of Trouble in the Tribe: The American Jewish Conflict over Israel. “The AJC’s advocacy model has always been quiet diplomacy.”
In August, nine Berkeley Law student groups—including the Muslim Student Association, the Queer Caucus, and Women of Berkeley Law—voted to adopt a bylaw that endorsed boycotts and sanctions of entities complicit in Israel’s apartheid system and also promised not to invite speakers who support “Zionism, the apartheid state of Israel, and the occupation of Palestine.”
The bylaw language was written and advocated for by the law school’s SJP chapter, which, on its Instagram page, applauded the groups for “refusing to be complicit in Israeli apartheid.” In a follow-up post addressing the backlash, the group said it will “continue to invite student organizations to democratically adopt the bylaw.”
“It’s a solidarity-building tool. That’s part of why this agitated so many people on campus and beyond,” said Liz Jackson, a staff attorney at Palestine Legal, a group that defends the free speech rights of Palestine activists in the US.
“It takes the issue of Palestine from a niche or isolated issue, and makes it a cross-movement cause.” Jackson defended the rights of student groups to adopt such bylaws. “A political organization can lay out its political commitment,” she said.
In fact, Jackson noted, it’s a similar move to one made by Hillel International, which has specific policies that prevent the organization’s campus chapters from hosting anti-Zionist speakers.
“Students have a right, if they are part of an organization, to not invite speakers that are complicit in any way with oppression of Palestinian people,” said a Berkeley Law SJP member who asked to remain anonymous due to concerns about facing harassment. “It’s similar to student groups that have a clear policy that they will not invite white supremacists.”
The SJP member also noted that the bylaw places no restrictions on the views of students who join the clubs or attend their events—only invited speakers.
Indeed, even some commenters who say they disagree with barring Zionist speakers have defended the groups’ right to do so. “Ultimately, it is their right to make these decisions that I think are wrongheaded,” said Kenneth Stern, director of the Bard Center for the Study of Hate, who served as director of the AJC’s division on antisemitism and extremism until 2014. “There are some Jewish students who are supporting the pro-Palestinian positon and say their Judaism leads them to an anti-Zionist position. Who am I to say that that’s not legitimate?”
While the action of the nine student groups received some coverage in the Jewish press, and Berkeley Law School Dean Erwin Chemerinsky emailed students to say the group’s adoption of the bylaw was “troubling,” it otherwise received little attention until Marcus published his op-ed.
The singer Barbra Streisand and comedian Sarah Silverman tweeted the piece, Senator Ted Cruz called the actions of the student groups “disgraceful,” New York Congressman Ritchie Torres denounced the bylaw as “an example of how anti-Zionism in policy translates into antisemitism in practice,” and Fox News ran a segment interviewing Marcus.
Dean Chemerinsky responded to Marcus’s piece in The Daily Beast, disputing Marcus’s characterization of “Jewish-free zones” but also saying that groups that excluded speakers because of their Israel views would be “subject to sanction.”
The increased scrutiny has heightened tensions on campus. The AJC memo noted that a Jewish Berkeley student who had previously served as an AJC fellow told an AJC staffer that Marcus’s op-ed had made the controversy “less of a local issue and more of a national one.”
The student also told the AJC that the groups’ new bylaw had not extensively changed students’ experiences on campus, and that the groups in question already had little involvement with pro-Israel students or speakers. Meanwhile, the SJP member who spoke with Jewish Currents noted that, while bylaw-supporting student organizations have faced harassment and are concerned by the dean’s threat to sanction them, the visibility has also bolstered their campaign: In the past month, five more clubs have adopted the bylaw, bringing the total to 14.
Bullying
The AJC memo highlighted concerns that emphasizing alleged antisemitic threats on campuses might inadvertently threaten recent successes for campus Israel advocates. Coodin reported that staff had spoken with “two Berkeley faculty members, founders of Berkeley’s Israel Studies program” who were concerned that media coverage of Berkeley could lead to a “divestment” response from the Jewish community. Instead, the AJC said, the professors hoped the AJC would support Berkeley’s Jewish and Israel education programs. (Jewish Currents has reported that over the past two decades, some donors and advocates have seen funding Israel studies academic programs as a key tool for countering Palestine solidarity activism on campuses; today, such advocates view Berkeley’s Israel studies institute, which hosts visiting Israeli scholars and offers students fellowships to create courses and events, as a gold-standard program.) Coodin wrote in the memo that the AJC plans to move forward in ways that “resist damaging productive existing initiatives at Berkeley.”
Marcus a little thug - LawFare Title VI, Abusing Law against spirit of Law.
Marcus, for his part, has taken a far more pugnacious approach, hinting that he may file a civil rights complaint with the Department of Education if UC Berkeley doesn’t take stronger action against the student groups that passed the bylaw. The filing of civil rights complaints using Title VI of the Civil Rights Act is a strategy that Marcus himself pioneered. Such complaints—which typically claim that certain forms of Palestine solidarity activism create a hostile environment for Jewish students, and that university administrators have not taken effective action against such activism—seek to trigger federal investigations into schools’ compliance with Title VI, which prohibits federal funding of universities that discriminate against protected minority groups.
Marcus and his allies have filed scores of complaints since 2004, when Marcus—at the time an assistant secretary with the DOE—announced new guidance proclaiming that the department’s Office of Civil Rights would “aggressively prosecute” Title VI cases involving Jewish students, as well as those involving Arabs and Muslims, among others. Marcus’s strategy was bolstered in 2019, when, while he once again worked in the DOE as an assistant secretary for civil rights, President Donald Trump issued an executive order encouraging federal agencies to use the controversial International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition—which classifies some types of anti-Zionist speech as antisemitic—as a guide for adjudicating Title VI complaints. (The order remains in place.)
The strategy has a mixed record: While it has not triggered any federal funding cutoffs, the civil rights lawsuits attract widespread media attention regardless of their merit, and have also resulted in settlements with universities that have agreed to clarify anti-discrimination policies and conduct outreach and training on antisemitism to students and faculty. But the strategy has been controversial among mainstream Jewish groups.
In 2010, the AJC joined a wide swath of Jewish organizations in writing to then-Education Secretary Arne Duncan, requesting that he issue new guidelines to again affirm Title VI protections for Jewish college students. But in April 2011, Stern, who was then the AJC’s director on antisemitism and extremism, issued a joint statement with the president of the American Association of University Professors saying that some Jewish groups were abusing Title VI “to silence anti-Israel discourse and speakers,” an approach that is both “unwarranted” and “dangerous.”
The AJC statement drew criticism from hardline groups like the Zionist Organization of America, which said the AJC was “minimizing the problems” faced by Jewish students. Four months later, The Forward reported that AJC Executive Director David Harris had written an email apologizing to a Stern critic for releasing the statement, saying it was “ill-advised.”
Marcus wrote a Forward op-ed applauding Harris for repudiating the statement. Today, the AJC no longer publicly criticizes Title VI civil rights complaints: A 2018 AJC statement urging the Senate to confirm Marcus to his Trump administration DOE post says the group has long “maintained that expressions and actions related to criticism of Israel can create a hostile environment actionable under Title VI.” But Title VI advocacy is not a central plank of the group’s strategy.
Even if Marcus and the AJC differ on the correct strategy to combat Palestinian rights activism on campus, they agree on the goal of countering SJP efforts. The AJC’s memo said the group planned on devising “ways to strategically combat ‘copycat’ SJP initiatives elsewhere” and that it hoped to employ “intelligent strategy *and* strategic partnerships with existing faculty, administrators, and students on campus” to oppose such bylaw campaigns. “What is at the core of this is that Palestinians advocating for their rights—the right to liberation—and Palestinians being actively and publicly Palestinian is taken as a direct threat to Jewish identity,” said Sarah Anne Minkin, director of programs & partnerships at the Foundation for Middle East Peace. “The AJC and the Brandeis Center are falling on the same side of that.”
Liz Jackson of Palestine Legal said that each strategy poses a distinct challenge to Palestinian rights advocates. “The public strategy spreads disinformation through headlines, and retweets from Barbra Streisand,” she said. “The backchannel maneuvering gets through to university administrators to twist the facts and to erase the context, which is Palestinian students’ concern about their families’ basic freedoms.”
In Internal Memo, American Jewish Committee Blasts Op-Ed on “Jewish-Free Zones” at Berkeley Law
Berkeley Develops Jewish-Free Zones-Jewish Journal
After we published this op-ed by Kenneth Marcus, Erwin Chemerinsky, Dean of Berkeley School of Law, sent us a response. You can read it below, followed by a response from Marcus.
September 28, 2022 LINK to article
If it wasn’t so frightening, one might be able to recognize the irony in the sight of campus progressives trying so hard to signal progressive virtue that they fall victim to a deeper moral shame.
Nine different law student groups at the University of California at Berkeley’s School of Law, my own alma mater, have begun this new academic year by amending bylaws to ensure that they will never invite any speakers that support Israel or Zionism. And these are not groups that represent only a small percentage of the student population. They include Women of Berkeley Law, Asian Pacific American Law Students Association, Middle Eastern and North African Law Students Association, Law Students of African Descent and the Queer Caucus. Berkeley Law’s Dean Erwin Chemerinsky, a progressive Zionist, has observed that he himself would be banned under this standard, as would 90% of his Jewish students.
It is now a century since Jewish-free zones first spread to the San Francisco Bay Area (“No Dogs. No Jews”). Nevertheless, this move seems frightening and unexpected, like a bang on the door in the night.
Berkeley law students are not the first to exclude Zionists. At the State University of New York at New Paltz, activists drove two sexual assault victims out of a survivor group for being Zionists. At the University of Southern California, they drove Jewish student government vice president Rose Ritch out of office, threatening to “impeach [her] Zionist ass.” At Tufts, they tried to oust student judiciary committee member Max Price from the student government judiciary committee because of his support for Israel.
These exclusions reflect the changing face of campus antisemitism. The highest profile incidents are no longer just about toxic speech, which poisons the campus environment.
Now anti-Zionist groups target Jewish Americans directly.
Anti-Zionism is flatly antisemitic. Using “Zionist” as a euphemism for Jew is nothing more than a confidence trick. Like other forms of Judeophobia, it is an ideology of hate, treating Israel as the “collective Jew” and smearing the Jewish state with defamations similar to those used for centuries to vilify individual Jews. This ideology establishes a conspiratorial worldview, sometimes including replacement theory, which has occasionally erupted in violence, including mass-shooting, in recent months. Moreover, Zionism is an integral aspect of the identity of many Jews. Its derogation is analogous, in this way, to other forms of hate and bigotry.
Some commentators defend these exclusions on speech grounds, arguing that “groups also have a right to be selective, to set their own rules for membership.” They are wrong about this. As Dean Chemerinsky explains, the free speech arguments run in the other direction: Berkeley’s anti-Zionist bylaws limit the free speech of Zionist students.
Discriminatory conduct, including anti-Zionist exclusions, is not protected as free speech. While hate speech is often constitutionally protected, such conduct may violate a host of civil rights laws, such as Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. It is not always the case that student groups have the right to exclude members in ways that reflect hate and bigotry. In Christian Legal Society v. Martinez, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the right of another Bay Area University of California law school, Hastings College of the Law, to require student groups to accept all students regardless of status or beliefs. Specifically, the Court blessed Hastings’ decision to require Christian groups to accept gay members.
Discriminatory conduct, including anti-Zionist exclusions, is not protected as free speech.
Putting legal precedents aside, major universities generally require student groups to accept “all comers,” regardless of “status of beliefs.” They also adopt rules, aligned with federal and state law, prohibiting discrimination on the basis of various classifications such as race, ethnicity, heritage or religion. Those who adopt such rules may not exclude Jews from these protections.
The real issue here is discrimination, not speech. By adopting anti-Jewish bylaw provisions, these groups are restricting their successors from cooperating with pro-Israel speakers and groups. In this way, the exclusionary bylaws operate like racially restrictive covenants, precluding minority participation into perpetuity.
Universities should not have to be legally compelled to do what is obviously right. Anti-Zionist policies would still be monstrously immoral, even if they were not also unlawful. The students should be ashamed of themselves. As should grownups who stand quietly by or mutter meekly about free speech as university spaces go as the Nazis’ infamous call, judenfrei. Jewish-free.
Response from Dean Chemerinsky:
Kenneth L. Marcus’ article, “Berkeley Develops Jewish-Free Zones,” paints a misleading picture of what happened at Berkeley Law. There is no “Jewish-Free Zone” at Berkeley Law or on the Berkeley campus. Indeed, as Mr. Marcus advocates, and as I explained in a recent message to the Law School community: “The Law School has an “all-comers” policy, which means that every student group must allow any student to join and all student organized events must be open to all students.” I know of no instance in which this has been violated or there has been any discrimination against Jews. I have been in regular contact with our Jewish students about this.
Mr. Marcus points out and identifies some student groups that adopted a statement drafted by Law Students for Justice In Palestine condemning Israel. But what he does not mention is that only a handful of student groups out of over 100 at Berkeley Law did this. He also does not mention that in a letter to the leaders of student groups I expressed exactly his message: excluding speakers on the basis of their viewpoint is inconsistent with our commitment to free speech and condemning the existence of Israel is a form of anti-Semitism.
Finally, it is important to recognize that law student groups have free speech rights, including to express messages that I and others might find offensive.
Erwin Chemerinsky
Dean and Jesse H. Choper Distinguished Professor of Law
University of California, Berkeley School of Law
Kenneth L. Marcus Responds:
Berkeley Law Dean Erwin Chemerinsky, a distinguished constitutional law scholar, responds that we should be less concerned about the formal and official exclusion of Zionists from appearing as speakers before nine Berkeley law student organizations. I couldn’t disagree more. And based on the overwhelming support my article has received, including much international attention, it appears others vehemently disagree as well.
Chemerinsky defends Berkeley Law, my alma mater, on the ground that other Berkeley law student groups have not amended their bylaws to exclude Zionist speakers. This in and of itself is a highly concerning argument. Would it be okay for only 5% or 10% of the campus to be segregated? What percentage of the Berkeley campus should be open to all? Shouldn’t it be 100%? And what is the right number of doors that should be closed to students of any race or ethnicity: isn’t it zero?
Chemerinsky misses the point when he insists that all clubs admit Jewish students as members. No one denies this. Nevertheless, an unmistakable signal is sent to those same students when they are told that they would be barred from appearing as invited speakers. This sends a clear signal: Jews are not welcome, unless they deny their support for Israel which, for many, is an integral element of Jewish identity.
In addition, Chemerinsky’s free speech message misses the point. Excluding Zionists is not like excluding Republicans and environmentalists. It is not just viewpoint discrimination. If a Democratic club amended their bylaws to prohibit Republican speakers from appearing before them, we could accept their right to do so. We might regret that they are restricting the possibility of dialogue. We might prefer the approach of those law student groups that seek balanced presentations, in order to advance civil dialogue and promote learning. But we wouldn’t consider this to be a civil rights issue.
When persons are excluded on the basis of their ethnic or ancestral identity, however, we must respond differently. It would not be acceptable for students to adopt bylaws banning Black or Chinese speakers, perhaps with an exception for Black or Chinese students who agree to criticize their communities. This would immediately be recognized as exclusionary conduct, not protected speech. And we would not accept the response that these groups permit Black or Chinese members, as long as these minorities do not wish to appear as speakers. We would recognize it as rank bigotry; and we would reject it.
While I am pleased to see that Dean Chemerinsky has written a letter, it would be better to see him take action. Discrimination should have no place at the University of California, or at any institution of higher learning. Those who care about free speech should protect it fiercely, but that does not mean invoking it where it does not apply. To do so cheapens the value of free speech, as well as providing intolerable barriers to equal opportunity. Those who want to talk about Israel should be free to do so, regardless of their perspective; they should not silence one side of the debate. And they should certainly not use this as an excuse to restrict participation of any ethnic or religious group.
Kenneth L. Marcus is founder and chairman of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, which has represented Jewish students in the New Paltz, Tufts, and USC cases discussed above. He served as the 11th Assistant U.S. Secretary of Education for Civil Rights.
Berkeley Develops Jewish-Free Zones
Berkeley Law (2023Nov - Lawsuit filed because student groups choose NOT to invite Nazi-Zionist Speakers)
Brandeis Center files lawsuit against UC Berkeley for hostile campus environment
By Haley Cohen
November 28, 2023 jewishinsider.com
Citing claims of a “longstanding, unchecked spread of antisemitism” on the University of California, Berkeley’s campus, the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law filed a complaint on behalf of Jewish students on Tuesday in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California, alleging that the campus is a “hotbed of anti-Jewish hostility and harassment,” Jewish Insider has learned.
The lawsuit, which names the University of California (UC) Regents, UC President Michael Drake, UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ and other officials as defendants, claims that since Hamas’ Oct. 7 terrorist attack in Israel, antisemitism has been exacerbated at the school — citing several on-campus incidents of intimidation, harassment and physical violence against Jewish students.
UC Berkeley Jewish students wrote in the complaint that the school does so little to protect Jewish students, it feels as if the school is condoning antisemitism. They added that officials at the university display a “general disregard” for Jewish students.
“The concerns of Jewish students are not being taken seriously and incidents that are affecting Jewish students are not being treated the same as incidents that would affect another targeted minority on campus,” Hannah Schlacter, an MBA student at the school, told JI.
The complaint, a copy of which was obtained by JI, details a pro-Palestinian rally following Oct. 7 in which a Jewish undergraduate who was draped in an Israeli flag was attacked by two protesters who struck him in the head with a metal water bottle.
It further cites that Jewish students and Jewish faculty are receiving hate mail calling for their gassing and murder, and claims that many Jewish students report feeling afraid to go to class. Pro-Palestinian protesters, the suit continues, disrupted a prayer gathering by Jewish students and blocked the main entrance to campus, and a faculty member went on an 18-minute anti-Israel rant in front of roughly 1,000 freshmen in his lecture class.
“Frankly, I’m not sure why a Jewish student would come to [Berkeley] law school,” UCB professor Steven Davidoff Solomon, who teaches an undergraduate class on antisemitism in the law, told JI. “There’s a group of students who feel free to say the nastiest slurs as long as they substitute Zionist for Jew and they repeatedly do that while the administration refuses to take steps to condemn it, to conduct training, to take measures they would take if it was discrimination against other minorities, and it’s disappointing,” he said, calling the lawsuit a “last resort.”
UC Berkeley Law Dean Erwin Chemerinsky acknowledged rising antisemitism at the school in a Los Angeles Times op-ed. “I am a 70-year-old Jewish man, but never in my life have I seen or felt the antisemitism of the last few weeks.” He noted that, “[t]wo weeks ago, at a town hall, a student told me that what would make her feel safe in the law school would be to ‘get rid of the Zionists.’” He added he had “heard several times that I have been called ‘part of a Zionist conspiracy,’ which echoes antisemitic tropes that have been expressed for centuries.”
Schlacter, who testified about antisemitism on campus to the University of California Board of Regents earlier this month, said, “When we look at the policy in place, it appears the policy is not being enforced for issues affecting Jewish students. When it isn’t enforced for our situation but is for other situations, that to me is discrimination.”
“Moreover, policy not being enforced sends a message that when there are hate crimes against Jewish students, that is accepted because it will be swept under the rug,” she continued. “We’ve made efforts to speak to the administration and do not feel like we are taken seriously. There’s a disconnect between the asks students are making [and] the actions the administration is taking.”
After Schlacter and other students met with UC Regents, the board committed $7 million to combating antisemitism and Islamophobia. “Seven million dollars distributed across 10 campuses per year, I’m not sure how far that will go,” she said. “Also, throwing money at the problem is not getting to the root, which is that Jewish students are being treated differently and policies are not being enforced when there’s Jewish students involved.”
Schlacter said she does not want to see the campus anti-Israel group, Bears for Palestine, named for the school’s mascot, shut down, as several other schools have done with chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine. “Disbanding those groups is not a long-term solution,” she said. “The long-term solution is looking at culture across the UC system. Why is there hostility and how do we combat that in the culture? What programs and initiatives can we launch to have a more truly inclusive culture?”
Schlacter said she would like to see the school’s Diversity, Equity and Inclusion office employees be trained on identifying antisemitism.
UCB Chabad Rabbi Gil Leeds, who is also a UCB alum and has served as the campus Chabad rabbi since 2007, said the antisemitism situation is worse than it’s ever been at the school. “Jewish students assaulted at rallies is a whole new level of hostilities that we haven’t seen,” Leeds said, noting that several students involved with Chabad are from Israel. “Police are scared to get involved because they are worried about greater violence. That shows you what we’re dealing with.”
Leeds said there has been “tremendous fear and trepidation,” particularly last month when National SJP called for a “Day of Resistance” at campuses nationwide. “Our armed guard that day came prepared with tear gas, everything he thought he would need… the company that we contacted would not agree to send us an unarmed guard, that’s the level of intensity.”
[the law school fake controversy]
The lawsuit states that while antisemitism has increased since Oct. 7, it has long been prevalent on campus. It cites a decision last year by nine law school student organizations to amend their constitutions with a bylaw that bans any pro-Israel speaker. The numbers have now swelled to 23 groups, including academic journals that prohibit Zionists from publishing and pro-bono organizations that prevent Jewish students from receiving hands-on legal experience, training, supervision and mentorship.
The ban denies Jewish law students networking opportunitIes provided to others; deprives them of earning pro-bono hours for state bar requirements; curtails their avenues for developing and improving legal research, writIng, and editIng skills; and limits their choices for obtaining academic credits towards graduatIon, according to the lawsuit, which notes this is all illegal under federal law and university policies.
”The situation at Berkeley has deteriorated to the point that something really needs to be done beyond just raising awareness. We’re facing antisemitism at campuses around the country, but Berkeley is especially bad. Of all places, Berkeley had a number of warnings that they needed to address antisemitism and anti-Zionism, and yet they failed to heed them,” said Kenneth Marcus, the Brandeis Center founder and a Berkeley Law school alum.
While the situation that was highlighted last year focused on the law school, Marcus said “it has certainly spread far beyond that and we have been getting reports throughout the university, including the undergraduate institution.”
According to the complaint, Berkeley’s acquiescence to these discriminatory policies has helped give antisemitism free reign on campus in violation of the law. “This suit targets the longstanding, unchecked spread of antisemitism at the University of California Berkeley, which, following the October 7 Hamas attacks, has erupted in on-campus displays of hatred, harassment, and physical violence against Jews,” states the complaint. “Court interventIon is now needed to protect students and faculty and to end this anti-Semitc discrimination and harassment, which violates University policy, federal civil rights laws, and the U.S. Constitution.”
Earlier this month, the Brandeis Center, the Anti-Defamation League, Hillel International and Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP launched the Campus Antisemitism Legal Line (CALL), a free legal protection helpline for college students who have experienced antisemitism.
“After Oct. 7 there’s been a lack of moral leadership but when you look more closely, Jewish students [at Berkeley] have been discriminated against for well over a year,” the ADL’s Central Pacific regional director, Marc Levine, told JI. “It wasn’t just demonstration in support of Hamas’ attacks that this began. Student groups already were actively banning Zionists from participating in their activities.”
Levine, a former California State assemblymember, called on local politicians to hold the University of California accountable for the “gutless response to antisemitism on campus.”
Zionist "SNITCH LINES" for Lil' prissy Bruised Bitch Egos & Hurt Feelings - Lawfare for Crybabies w/o Character
Snitch Line Launched by ADL Terrorist Network
New effort to provide pro bono legal services to Jewish students facing antisemitism
November 6, 2023 (Washington, D.C.) – Hillel International, ADL (the Anti-Defamation League), the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, and Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP today announced the Campus Antisemitism Legal Line (CALL), a free legal protection helpline for students who have experienced antisemitism. With antisemitism on campus reaching all-time highs since Oct. 7, this new resource comes at a critical moment for the Jewish community.
Any student, family, faculty, or staff member can go to the CALL website or text “CALLhelp” to 51555 to report incidents of antisemitic discrimination, intimidation, harassment, vandalism, or violence that may necessitate legal action. Lawyers will assess reports of antisemitic discrimination and hate, conduct in-depth information-gathering interviews, and provide pro bono representation for victims who choose to move forward with specific cases. CALL will also provide referrals to social services, mental health counseling services, and other relevant support services in their area.
A legal team from ADL, the Brandeis Center, Hillel International, and Gibson Dunn will guide overall strategy and coordinate volunteer lawyers from other leading firms including Gibson Dunn and Morgan, Lewis & Bockius LLP. CALL invites volunteer lawyers from other firms and companies, as well as other organizations, to join in this effort.
Supporting organizations include Alpha Epsilon Phi, Alpha Epsilon Pi, the American Jewish Committee, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, the Jewish Agency for Israel, Jewish on Campus, the Jewish Federations of North America, JGO: The Jewish Grad Organization (formerly JGSI), the Israel on Campus Coalition, the Israeli-American Council, Masa, Olami, the OU Jewish Learning Initiative on Campus, Sigma Alpha Mu, Sigma Delta Tau, and Zeta Beta Tau.
“Since the brutal terrorist attack on Israel on Oct. 7, there has been an alarming rise in antisemitism and hate directed toward Jewish college students,” said Adam Lehman, Hillel International President and CEO. “Alongside building flourishing Jewish campus communities and educating university presidents and leadership, this is an important tool for reducing campus antisemitism. Every student deserves to pursue their studies and live their full college experience in a safe and secure campus environment — and Jewish students are no exception.”
.Hillel International’s recent survey of Jewish college students shows that more than half polled (56 percent) say they feel scared on campus. In addition, one-in-four Jewish students (25 percent) say there has been violence or acts of hate on their campus since the war began; and only half of those who say there has been hate or violence say they are satisfied with their university’s
response.
.“We don’t need a cancel culture on campus. We need a consequences culture,” said Jonathan Greenblatt, ADL CEO and National Director. “No longer will anyone be able to harass Jewish students with impunity, and no longer will a university or school be able to just look the other way.”
.While college campuses have become a hotbed of antisemitism, rising hatred against Jews goes beyond universities. Preliminary data from the ADL Center on Extremism indicates that from Oct. 7-23, reported incidents of harassment, vandalism, and assault increased by 388 percent over the same period last year.
.“The frightening incidents we’re seeing on campus today did not start on Oct. 7. They are a direct result of far too many universities failing in their legal responsibility to promptly, publicly and forcefully address the anti-Semitism that has been simmering on their campus for years. This explosion of Jew hatred was foreseeable and preventable. It’s high time for universities to enforce the law and protect their Jewish students.” said Alyza D. Lewin, president of the Brandeis Center.
The Brandeis Center, which has filed and resolved numerous federal anti- discrimination complaints with the Department of Education, has heard from more Jewish students in the past three weeks than in the last year combined.
“We are honored to partner with the ADL, The Brandeis Center, and Hillel International to provide victims of antisemitism on campus with free and timely access to counsel,” said Barbara Becker, Gibson Dunn Chair and Managing Partner. “There is no place for antisemitism, racism, Islamophobia, or hate of any kind in a just and humane society. We believe it is our responsibility and privilege to provide free legal services to communities in need, and this collaboration will serve that mission and help keep students safe.”
To read a PDF of this press release, click here.
About ADL
ADL is the leading anti-hate organization in the world. Founded in 1913, its timeless mission is “to stop the defamation of the Jewish people and to secure justice and fair treatment to all.” Today, ADL continues to fight all forms of antisemitism and bias, using innovation and partnerships to drive impact. A global leader in combating antisemitism, countering extremism and battling bigotry wherever and whenever it happens, ADL works to protect democracy and ensure a just and inclusive society for all. More at www.adl.org.
About Hillel International
Founded in 1923, Hillel has been impacting the lives of Jewish college students for 100 years. Today, Hillel International is a global organization that welcomes students of all backgrounds and fosters an enduring commitment to Jewish life, learning, and Israel. As the largest Jewish student organization in the world, Hillel builds connections with emerging adults at more than 850 colleges and universities. During their formative college years, students are inspired to explore, experience, and create vibrant Jewish lives.
About the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law
The Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law is an independent, unaffiliated, nonprofit corporation established to advance the civil and human rights of the Jewish people and promote justice for all. LDB engages in research, education, and legal advocacy to combat the resurgence of anti-Semitism on college and university campuses, in the workplace, and elsewhere. It empowers students by training them to understand their legal rights and educates administrators and employers on best practices to combat racism and anti- Semitism. The Brandeis Center is not affiliated with the Massachusetts university, the Kentucky law school, or any of the other institutions that share the name and honor the memory of the late U.S. Supreme Court justice. More at www.brandeiscenter.com.
.
About Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP
Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP is a leading international law firm. Consistently ranking among the world’s top law firms in industry surveys and major publications, Gibson Dunn is distinctively positioned in today’s global marketplace with more than 1,800 lawyers and 20 offices, including Abu Dhabi, Beijing, Brussels, Century City, Dallas, Denver, Dubai, Frankfurt, Hong Kong, Houston, London, Los Angeles, Munich, New York, Orange County, Palo Alto, Paris, San Francisco, Singapore, and Washington, D.C. For more information on Gibson Dunn, please visit our website.
New Website Allows Students to Report Anti-Semitic Incidents (Inside Higher Ed)
~ By
October 7, 2021 ~
A new online portal allows Jewish students and others to report anti-Semitic incidents and hate crimes on college campuses.
The website, ReportCampusHate.org, was created by Hillel International, the Anti-Defamation League and the Secure Community Network, a safety and security initiative of the organized Jewish community, to empower Jewish students to address growing anti-Semitism on college campuses, the organizations said in a press release. Any incident reported through the website will be reviewed by a trained security professional who will work with law enforcement and the campus Hillel to file a report with the university, ensuring the proper tracking of anti-Semitic crimes. Additionally, students can be connected to wellness services, as well as tools and resources to help improve campus climates, the press release said.
During the 2020-21 academic year, Hillel International tracked 244 anti-Semitic incidents on campuses, according to preliminary data, the press release states. In the 2019-20 academic year, when most classes were still taking place in person, there were 181 such incidents reported. A September poll by the Cohen Research Group, in conjunction with the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, found that nearly 70 percent of openly Jewish students said they had personally experienced or “were familiar with” an act of anti-Semitism on campus or in a virtual campus setting in the past 120 days. As a result, about 50 percent said they have hidden their Jewish identities, and more than half have avoided expressing their views on Israel.
Snitch Line StandwithUs(Nazis)
https://www.standwithus.com/legal
The StandWithUs Saidoff Legal Department empowers students and community members through a legal response to antisemitism and anti-Israel activity.
We analyze antisemitic and anti-Israel incidents, work with you to determine the appropriate response, and bring all StandWithUs resources to bear. We work daily with StandWithUs educators, regional staff, student fellows, community members, and partner organizations to respond to potentially actionable matters.
Snitch Line AMCHA Initiative (against American Education)
If you would like to report an antisemitic incident that occurred on a U.S. college or university campus, you may
EMAIL:
administrator@amchainitiative.org
Please note the DATE of the incident, the name of the COLLEGE/UNIVERSITY and any other supportive evidence and information.
Alternatively, you may fill out the form below:
Report a Concern
Have you experienced or witnessed any antisemitic or anti-Zionist incident, event, or cyberbullying on an American college or university campus or within a digital classroom? If so, please use the form below to let us know about it: In addition to a description, you may also upload any of the following that would be helpful for explaining the incident: written correspondences, posters and flyers, photographs, etc.
By clicking Submit, you agree that any information or materials submitted here may be disclosed or disseminated, with the exception of your name and email. AMCHA Initiative will never indicate the name or email of the person who submitted information in any of our public databases.
CONTROL CAMPUS: "Hasbara" Propaganda - Zionist Talking Pts & Creating "security" threats
How to Stifle Protest & "Control" College Inmates
Exploiting Crisis
American Jewish Council Propaganda Points (on behalf of the fascist Israeli government)
https://www.ajc.org/UniversityStudentsActionPlan
https://www.ajc.org/news/how-to-respond-to-common-misconceptions-about-the-attack-on-israel
https://www.ajc.org/news/ajc-ceo-ted-deutch-debunks-the-four-big-lies-spread-by-hamas-supporters
University Presidents: Act Against Antisemitism
In the wake of Hamas’ murderous rampage against Israeli civilians on October 7, we’ve seen a stark increase in antisemitic incidents on U.S. college campuses.
Jewish and pro-Israel students have been intimidated, targeted, and even assaulted at their schools. Many are left feeling so vulnerable they are now afraid to come to campus and attend classes.
University and college administrators must act now.
Add your name, and join American Jewish Committee (AJC), the global advocacy organization for the Jewish people, in calling on university leaders to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Antisemitism and take additional concrete action steps that protect Jews on campus.
AJC Student Guide - Confronting Campus Antisemitism: An Action Plan for University Students
A Toolkit for University Students
American Jewish Committee (AJC), the global advocacy organization for the Jewish people, understands that college students today are facing an unprecedented environment, with the growing threat of antisemitism and anti-Israel rhetoric and real threats to student safety and well-being. At the same time, many students are looking for opportunities to express their values, engage in constructive dialogue, and come together with like-minded peers. Therefore, AJC has created this concise action plan with steps to support students in their efforts to improve their campus’ atmosphere and ensure their own safety.
University Presidents: Act Against Antisemitism
Encourage university presidents to take proactive steps against antisemitism on campus.
This action plan closely follows the U.S. National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism. That strategy charts a broad and ambitious series of action steps spanning sectors and communities, in response to the threat to the integrity of our shared institutions, including higher education, posed by antisemitism. AJC experts are available to work in partnership with students and campus organizations to help build an atmosphere more resilient against rising Jew-hatred. We look forward to working with you. For more information about anything in this action plan, or to set up a meeting, please be in touch with AJC Campus Affairs. AJC has also created An Action Plan for Heads of Independent Schools.
What students can do right now
Prioritize your own safety. The October 2023 war between Israel and Hamas has resulted in anti-Israel campus protests escalating in intensity and scope, and threats to Jewish student safety have risen dramatically at many schools. Students should take extra precautions to ensure their own safety and take recommendations from the university and campus organizations like Hillel and Chabad seriously. This includes not engaging directly with protesters.
Encourage your university to address safety. It is the university’s responsibility to respond to the increase of threats to the Jewish community on campus and take action so that Jewish students, faculty, and staff are safe and feel safe on campus, and Jewish programming and facilities are protected. Inquire about the security measures your school is taking and advocate for additional steps to enhance campus safety
Report all antisemitic activity. Hate speech and other forms of antisemitism cannot be addressed if it is not reported. Be sure to report any and all antisemitic activity on campus, both to the university and local authorities so they can be properly addressed. Professionals on campus from Hillel and Chabad can assist you and can often ensure anonymity.
Report students who violate university codes of conduct. Anti-Israel campus protests have become increasingly unruly and, in some cases, violent since the October 7 attacks. Message boards and social media are being weaponized to threaten and intimidate Jewish students. Threatening behavior, property destruction, and disorderly or antagonizing conduct, among other actions, constitute breaches of university codes of conducts and should be reported immediately. Make sure you understand how to report bias crimes and other violations of your school’s code of conduct and encourage friends and peers to report all violations and bias incidents.
Report faculty who create hostile environments. Faculty must adhere to professional standards and should not create a hostile environment for students based on their personal views. If a professor is making you feel unwelcome, providing misinformation in class, engaging in hate speech, or offering advantages to those with whom they agree, report the professor to the department chair and Academic Affairs offices to ensure that the proper disciplinary measures are enforced.
Educate yourself about Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Join educational events or workshops on Israel, its history, and the various narratives involved. Avoid relying solely on social media or biased sources. Dive deeper with books, podcasts, and videos from respected organizations you trust. The AJC Campus Library offers several excellent resources from which you can learn and stay informed.
Build a community with your peers both on and off campus. Work with AJC and campus organizations like Hillel and Chabad to engage with a diverse group of Jewish students on and off campus. Make an effort to attend a local Shabbat dinner, join events celebrating Jewish life, and more. AJC is helping in organizing and sponsoring Shabbat dinners both on and off campus. Please contact us for more information and apply for leadership opportunities like AJC’s Campus Global Board, Goldman Fellowship, and Campus Track at Global Forum.
Foster dialogue and advocate for inclusivity. Organize open forums or panel discussions where students can engage in constructive conversations about antisemitism and its impact on campus life. Collaborate with other student groups, including interfaith organizations, to promote understanding and unity. Work with the student government to pass resolutions or policies that condemn antisemitism and promote a more inclusive campus environment. Advocate for the inclusion of antisemitism awareness and education in diversity and inclusion programming at your school.
Encourage your school’s administrators to address antisemitism in its most potent forms, including the intersection between antisemitism and anti-Zionism. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Antisemitism provides a clear framework for understanding the various manifestations of antisemitism on college campuses nationwide, including debates about Israel’s right to exist and Zionism. The IHRA definition offers contemporary and practical examples of anti-Zionist forms of antisemitism, explicitly noting that criticism of Israeli policy is not antisemitic. Encourage your school to directly address the areas where anti-Zionism and antisemitism overlap, as these issues have been at the forefront of campus activism and have posed threats to Jewish student safety following the October 7 Hamas terror attacks.
Encourage your school to convene an antisemitism task force. Task forces, comprised of Jewish students, faculty, and campus leaders, have proven to be an effective way to counter the rise of antisemitism on campus. The task force should report directly to senior university leadership, providing an actionable list of initiatives and a clear timeline for implementation.
Hasbara (Zionist propaganda machine-Lies, Misrepresentations, Half-truths & Demonizing opponents)
PROPAGANDA - Hasbara (see wiki entry below).
Contents
⏩2024jan07 Comment in Hareetz - Dormus Jessop
Omer Abessera
Time will tell Sam. Like the exaggerated death toll, rapes and beheadings of babies in the Oct 7 massacre. Many killed with friendly fire by the IDF. The death numbers coming from Gaza is much higher than 25,000, those under the rubble are not counted! Wait until the Kahane government releases the number of wounded and death of IDF soldiers. Listening to hasbara rhetoric machine spokesman from the IDF will lead no where but to an Orwellian dystopian alternative universe of lies are truth and truths are lies!
The slaughter of 109 by drone of Al Jazeera journalists, another one today proves this fact beyond a doubt! What do you think Israel is trying to hide? I thought they were the "Most Moral Army" in the world, if so. Wouldn't they like the truth to come out? Israel like Churchill and Empire put into words knows the truth is the enemy " Ahh the truth, it is so precious, it must be locked tightly away, and surrounded by lies". Hasbara in a nut shell!
Cyber-Hacking
Palestine-Israel Cyber report - 16 October 2023, Jeremiah Fowler
Murdering “Bad” Press?
⏩2024jan10 Israeli army appears to change tack on strike that killed Gaza journalists
⏩2024jan07 Israeli strike kills two Palestinian journalists in Gaza, officials say
⏩2023nov18 Understanding Hasbara: Israel's propaganda machine - newarab
⏩2014aug29 'Hasbara': an exercise in the impossible -opendemocracy
⏩Mepc- Hasbara and the Control of Narrative as an Element of Strategy
The Hillel Sheep Repeat Slogans on Demand
⏩2001aug25 nyt:Jewish Collegians Prepare to Defend Israel on the Campuses
⏩2014Jul15 NYT Young Israelis Fight Hashtag Battle to Defend #IsraelUnderFire
⏩2015Jun15 NYT Israeli Government Cartoon Mocks Foreign Coverage of Gaza
Photograph your local culture, help Wikipedia and win!
Public diplomacy of Israel aka "Propaganda" or "Hasbara"
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article may be in need of reorganization to comply with Wikipedia's layout guidelines. Please help by editing the article to make improvements to the overall structure. (February 2024) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Israel uses public diplomacy to communicate directly with citizens of other countries to inform and influence them so that they support or tolerate the Israeli government's strategic objectives.
Terms and types
Different terms have been used to describe Israel's and other actors' efforts to reach audiences abroad.
Among early Zionists it was common to label communicative efforts propaganda. Theodor Herzl used the term at the 3rd Zionist Congress in 1899, where he asked fellow Zionists in the audience "to engage in propaganda".[1] At the time the term "propaganda" was considered neutral. The term is now pejorative. Propaganda is now typically used for official government statements or by critics of pro-Israeli advocacy groups to portray the communication as misleading and manipulative.
Hasbara was formally introduced to the Zionist vocabulary by Nahum Sokolow.[1] Hasbara (Hebrew: הַסְבָּרָה) has no direct English translation, but roughly means "explaining". It is a communicative strategy that "seeks to explain actions, whether or not they are justified".[2] As it focuses on providing explanations about one's actions, hasbara has been called a "reactive and event-driven approach".[3][4]
Today,[clarification needed] Israeli practitioners tend to label their communicative efforts "public diplomacy", not hasbara, indicating a shift in strategy. They consider a focus on "explaining" too defensive and prefer to actively determine the agenda by being less reactive and more proactive, moving to a more comprehensive, long-term strategic approach.[4][5][6][7][8]
Israeli public diplomacy encompasses different forms of communication and other forms of interaction with the public abroad. For instance, Israel engages in open and fully attributable, unidirectional mass communication that targets so far unaffiliated civil populations in other countries (a form of communication Hirschberger defines as "external communication"[4]), both via social media and traditional mass media. The Israeli government uses this type of communication especially to depict Israel positively (a communication strategy Hirschberger calls "branding").[4] The Israeli government and pro-Israeli groups also use interventive communication to counter what they see as attempts at delegitimisation of Israel, e.g., in the context of BDS. The Israeli government also engages in activities beyond communicative efforts in social media and the traditional mass media, e.g., in the form of cultural diplomacy. The communicative efforts of pro-Israeli civil society groups are partially also called "advocacy".
Sources for disseminating information
Various branches of the Israeli government as well as pro-Israeli civil society organizations engage in public diplomacy efforts:
IDF Spokesperson's Unit: The spokesperson's unit of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) plays a central role in the Israeli government's public diplomacy.[9] The IDF's English-language Facebook page is one of the most-followed army social media worldwide.[9] The unit has become Israel's largest spokesperson unit, with more than 400 officers, civilians and soldiers. There is also a reserve unit of almost 1,200 soldiers and officers.[10][9] As of 2017, the unit has 15 staff members that are responsible only for the IDF's social media platforms to reach audiences abroad.[11] As of 2015, the IDF is active on 30 different social media platforms.[11][12]
Spokesperson's Unit of COGAT: The Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), the IDF unit responsible for coordination and liaison with the Palestinian Authority,[13] has a spokesperson's unit of its own as well as its own social media channels in English and Arabic.[14]
Prime Minister's Office (PMO): Within the Israel Prime Minister's Office, the Government Press Office (GPO), the Public Diplomacy Directorate and the National Information Directorate are involved in public diplomacy efforts.[15] The National Information Directorate is in charge of coordinating "the public diplomacy activities of various governmental bodies in foreign and security affairs, and on socioeconomic issues" (Israel PMO s.a.[further explanation needed]).[16][15] The Public Diplomacy Directorate is responsible for communicating the Prime Minister's and the government's policies and decisions.[15][16] The directorate is headed by the Prime Minister's Media Advisor.[15][16]
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA): The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs also has a Public Diplomacy Directorate. "The directorate consists of the Media and Public Affairs Division, the Division for Cultural Affairs and Scientific Cooperation and the Bureau for Religious Affairs and Relations with the Jewish Diaspora. The Media and Public Affairs Division comprises one department in charge of 'branding', a department in charge of collecting information, producing visual media content such as videos and drafting policy papers for briefing Israeli missions all around the world, as well as the spokesperson’s bureau, which is in charge of the relationship with the press. Furthermore, the division also has an academic department and a small department dealing with issues of civil society affairs, especially the battle against BDS. Finally, the ministry has also a Digital Diplomacy Department, which is in charge of all digital channels of the ministry".[15][attribution needed]
Pro-Israeli civil society organizations: Various civil society organizations and initiatives from Israel and abroad support the Israeli public diplomacy efforts.[17] Prominent examples are StandWithUs, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), Christians United for Israel (CUFI), the Israel on Campus Coalition, the AMCHA Initiative and "The David Project".[18]
Masbirim Israel: In 2010, the Israeli Ministry of Information and Diaspora Affairs launched the PR campaign "Masbirim Israel". The campaign intended to encourage Israeli citizens to contribute to improving Israel's image by talking with their international contacts about the country.[19]
AJC Ted Deutche Tells How to Control Campus
His User-Guide for demonizing protesters and for creating a pathetic pity party of victim status is provided above.
McCarthyism: U.S. Congress "Ed & Workforce Committee" Holds Court of Inquistion
Congressman Jamie Raskin (MD-08) - Against Censure of Congresswoman Tlaib
Raskin Floor Remarks on H. Res. 845
November7, 2023
Washington, DC - Congressman Jamie Raskin (MD-08) today gave the following remarks on the House Floor while managing the debate of House Resolution 845, a resolution to censure Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib (MI-12). Raskin urged the House to respect and protect the right to political free speech granted under the First Amendment and the Speech or Debate Clause by not using the House disciplinary process to punish Members’ political speech; warned of the chilling effects that politicizing and weaponizing the House’s censure mechanism would have on the speech of all Members; and noted that, in the history of the House of Representatives, the overwhelming number of censures have been for conduct, like taking bribes, embezzling funds, assaulting other Members, engaging in mail fraud, and having sex with pages, and that the only kinds of speech that have ever been punished have been true threats of violence, fighting words on the floor towards other Members, and incitement to insurrection and secession, none of which are protected by the Constitution and none of which are implicated here.
What about the 11 Members of this body who lost the 405-11 vote in 2019 recognizing that the mass killing of Armenians by Ottoman Turks during World War I was a genocide?
Does their denial of the genocidal character of the deaths of more than one million Armenians qualify them for institutional punishment? Can we convert differing interpretations of history into the basis for legislative punishment?
Perhaps you say that political dissent should be uniquely punishable when it comes to foreign policy. But the First Amendment does not distinguish between speech having domestic policy or foreign policy content. All of it is protected. If not, every Member of this body who has voted against aid to Ukraine and praises Vladimir Putin for his “genius” and “savvy,” as former president Donald Trump did, or says “Putin is not our enemy,” as several have, could be censured for it.
There were 50 Members who voted against our entrance into World War I. Maybe they were right, maybe they were wrong, but surely, they shouldn’t be censured for it.
The Congresswoman from California, Ms. Lee, was the only Member for the House to vote against the open-ended authorization of use of force following 9/11, which led to our longest war in Afghanistan. Although she was vilified at the time for her vote, in the wake of 20 years of war in Afghanistan her vote today is seen as visionary by many people. Should she have been arraigned on the floor of the House of Representatives and censured for her unorthodox ideas about the dangers of war?
This Resolution not only degrades our Constitution but it cheapens the meaning of discipline in this body for people who actually commit wrongful actions, like bribery, fraud, violent assault and so on.
When people are punished for their political ideas and expression, they will wear it as a badge of honor; they will fundraise on it, as several have done in the past, raising millions of dollars from an outraged public; and they will join the public in mocking the speech censors of Congress.
A secure constitutional Republic which actively protects the freedom of dissenting speech to allow for serious debate shows its strength—not its weakness. As Thomas Jefferson put it, “If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.”
Now is a moment when we will get to see who in the House of Representatives believes in the freedom of speech, even the speech they hate, versus those who want to impose a political straitjacket of cancel culture on America and Congress.
###
Permalink: https://raskin.house.gov/2023/11/raskin-floor-remarks-on-h-res-845
November7, 2023
Washington, DC - Congressman Jamie Raskin (MD-08) today gave the following remarks on the House Floor while managing the debate of House Resolution 845, a resolution to censure Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib (MI-12). Raskin urged the House to respect and protect the right to political free speech granted under the First Amendment and the Speech or Debate Clause by not using the House disciplinary process to punish Members’ political speech; warned of the chilling effects that politicizing and weaponizing the House’s censure mechanism would have on the speech of all Members; and noted that, in the history of the House of Representatives, the overwhelming number of censures have been for conduct, like taking bribes, embezzling funds, assaulting other Members, engaging in mail fraud, and having sex with pages, and that the only kinds of speech that have ever been punished have been true threats of violence, fighting words on the floor towards other Members, and incitement to insurrection and secession, none of which are protected by the Constitution and none of which are implicated here.
Congressman Raskin: I have images of three politicians displayed in my office: Abraham Lincoln; Robert F. Kennedy; and Samuel F. Bellman who was the first Jewish person ever elected to the Minnesota legislature, a great champion of the Constitution, civil rights and civil liberties, and human rights, and of the creation of Israel, the Jewish Democratic State, in 1948. [https://www.lrl.mn.gov/legdb/articles/11213STObit.pdf - bellman obit]
And he was my grandfather.
He was elected at a time of terrible antisemitism, not unlike today. Minneapolis was called “the antisemitism capital of America” and my Grandpa Sam told me a story I’ll never forget.
The DFL and Republican Caucuses both had their annual retreats at a country club that did not allow Jews or blacks to enter. My grandfather complained privately with the Speaker that he would not be able to go, and the Speaker apologized but said this was the tradition.
So my grandfather, the only Jewish person in the Chamber, spoke on the floor about antisemitism and he was booed and jeered at and Members left as he tried to speak.
When the Minority Leader asked me to manage our time today, I thought about my grandfather and how he must have felt on that day.
So I’m here not in spite of the fact that I am a Jewish American who supports the Constitution and the Jewish Democratic State and hates the antisemitic tyrants and terrorists of the world, from Vladimir Putin in Russia and Mohammed Bin Salman in Saudi Arabia to Hezbollah and Hamas; I am here because of these things and because of everything I believe in and stand for.
At this moment when democracy is under siege all over the world, America must stand tall for the Constitution. But this Resolution is about one thing and one thing only: the punishment of speech.
So we have the chance to show the world what the American Constitution means and how we hold fast to our core principles even when we are drawn away from them by our passions and our righteous anger.
The Constitution is “the Supreme Law of the land,” and the very heart of it is in our First Amendment, which protects every citizen’s freedom of speech and says Congress shall make no law abridging it.
The freedom to speak includes the freedom to disagree, the right to think radically differently from the majority about important things, or else it is no freedom at all. It’s easy to defend free speech for people when you agree with them; the test for each Member is whether you can defend free speech for people when you most fundamentally and vehemently disagree with them.
The First Amendment is like an apple. Everybody wants to take just one bite out of it. Someone wants to punish left-wing speech someone right-wing speech, someone sexist speech, someone radical feminist speech, homophobic speech or pro-LGBTQ speech, anti-war speech, pro-war speech, religious speech, sacrilegious speech and everybody wants a bite of the apple, but then at the end of the day, once everyone has had his or her bite, the whole apple is gone.
There’s nothing left. If you want to save the apple, you have to learn to tolerate not just the speech you love the most, which is easy, but the speech you hate the most.
Like the First Amendment, the Speech or Debate Clause also embodies this central value in the legislative process. It states that Members of Congress “shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their attendance at the Session of their Respective Houses, and in going to and from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.” (emphasis added)
The Speech and Debate Clauses in the thirteen original colonies were the basis for the freedom of speech later established for all citizens; indeed, of the original 13, only Pennsylvania’s Constitution protected “freedom of speech” for anyone but legislators. In other words, we had better take freedom of speech seriously for legislators because if we don’t protect our own free speech, how can we protect freedom of speech for the people we represent?
In the two-and-a-half century history of our Chamber, Members have been overwhelmingly censured for their actions, not for their speech. Actions like:
Participating in the violent assault against Charles Sumner. Assaulting Representative Josiah Grinnell of Iowa with a cane. Selling military academy appointments. Taking bribes.
Selling $33 million of stock in the Credit Mobilier scandal to fellow Members at an undervalued price to bribe them.
Engaging in mail fraud and payroll fraud.
Improper use of campaign funds and Congressional funds.
Engaging in sexual misconduct with a House page.
Do you see the difference? Not what they said, what they did.
I can find only three categories of cases where speech is the sum and substance of the charge and they are all exceptions that have been ratified by the Supreme Court.
One is where the speech makes violent threats against other Members of the body. As the Supreme Court found as recently as April, in Counterman v. Colorado, “true threats” of violence are never protected under the First Amendment.
A second category is essentially fighting words, the use of unparliamentary or aggressively insulting language on the House floor that constitutes a direct affront to another Member.
The Supreme Court has also said fighting words are not protected.
The final is speech advocating or promoting treason, Confederate secession or insurrection, all of which arguably lie outside of the First Amendment because of numerous provisions opposing and condemning insurrection.
That’s it: violent threats against another Member, fighting words on the floor, speech inciting insurrection or secession.
But the Resolution offered against the gentlewoman from Michigan is all about censuring her for her unpopular political speech and literally nothing else. No actions, no conduct is being punished.
The entire censure motion is about her speech and how much we hate it and how wrong we think it is. All of that is fine for all of us to express individually—in newspapers and the media, on the floor and in committee, in social media and in conversation—and I have told Ms. Tlaib that the phrase “from the river to the sea” is abhorrent to me and cannot be salvaged politically, at least to my taste, even with her published explanation of what she means by it, which is certainly very different from the way Hamas uses it.
But, in any event, I would never think of disciplining her or punishing her because we disagree about that and have a dramatic difference in our political views.
But the Resolution proposes to condemn her for quoting this objectionable phrase in her video, which is indisputably protected speech under the First Amendment. Unlike the gentleman from New York, Mr. Santos, whose proposed expulsion by Members of the Majority was rejected by a commanding bipartisan majority because he has not yet been convicted of either the criminal or ethics charges against him, Ms. Tlaib, has been criminally charged with nothing and has been civilly sued for nothing and has no ethics charges outstanding before the Ethics Committee.
It’s easy to see why. She can’t face criminal punishment or civil liability for her alleged speech offenses because in the United States of America we don’t punish people for their political ideas, no matter how wrong and offensive other people think they are. Congresswoman Tlaib won reelection with 71% of the vote in Michigan’s 12th district and if anyone is going to punish her for her political ideas or manner of expression, it must be the people of her own district, who sent her here to represent them.
Mr. Speaker, the disciplinary process should never be used to punish the political speech or viewpoints of a Member of this Chamber just because the majority disagrees. If you disagree, why don’t you get up and explain why your ideas are better than hers or where you think she has gone wrong in her values or analysis or explanation? Don’t punish her for not thinking the way you do.
The punishment of dissenting political viewpoints will mean that Members will be censured just for being in the minority rather than actually doing something wrong. And that will come to stifle significant dialogue and haunt all of us in our work.
For example, there’s another censure motion being proposed now against the Representative from Florida who compared “Palestinian civilians” to “Nazi civilians” and stated that “there are very few innocent Palestinian citizens.”
The Resolution stated that his outrageous conflation of innocent Palestinian civilians with Hamas terrorists is “false, misleading, dehumanizing, dangerous and unbecoming of a Member of Congress.”
This motion is the mirror image of the complaint against the Gentlewoman from Michigan, although in this case, significantly, the alleged offense consisted of statements that the Member himself made in his own words in the House.
But, in any event, both Members are being charged with what are inescapably speech offenses and thought crimes. And yet the case against the Representative from Florida has been held while we have moved to a vote against Ms. Tlaib. Why is that?
Solely because the Gentleman’s party is in the majority. But a disciplinary process which operates on the basis of raw partisan voting power has no integrity or legitimacy in the eyes of the public.
The minute we start punishing the content or viewpoint of Members’ political speech, the process inescapably loses its legitimacy and becomes just a partisan weapon.
For example, the Speaker of the House has taken positions in the past arguing that sex between consenting gay adults should be a crime, that the Supreme Court was wrong to strike down sodomy laws in Lawrence v. Texas and wrong to give gay people the right to marry in Obergefell, a right he said that is “the dark harbinger of chaos and sexual anarchy that could doom even the strongest Republic.” He even supported the idea that gay people could be cured of their malady with so-called “conversion therapy,” which has been discredited by science.
Now, the vast majority of Americans reject these positions as extreme in opinion polls and believe that all citizens have the freedom to pursue their own love lives and to marry someone they love. If the House majority changes hands, should we censure the former Speaker for his constitutional apostasy and thought crimes against the rights of millions of Americans?
I sure hope not, because the Gentleman from Louisiana is absolutely entitled to his extreme political and religious views no matter how outside the constitutional and American mainstream they are and no matter how much I reject them. Under the First Amendment, extremism is in the eye of the beholder. But how will we resist the temptation to punish the former Speaker in the future if we set a precedent today that Members can be censured and canceled simply for their political heresies in the eyes of the majority?
If we say that the gentlelady can be punished because her views of history are wrong, can we then punish Members of this body who refused to vote to take down in our halls statues of Members of Congress from the 19th century who joined the Confederacy and committed treason against the Union, people like John Breckenridge, a former Vice President and U.S. Senator who was expelled from the Senate after he defected to the Confederacy?
Should we use the disciplinary process to impose historical orthodoxy? If anything, there’s a better case for punishing the 120 Members of the House who voted against taking down statues of Confederate traitors because multiple provisions of the Constitution explicitly forbid and punish participation in insurrection. Do Members who voted that way want to risk being censured by establishing that divergent minority views on American history are a legitimate matter of institutional discipline?
What about Members who defended conspiracy theorist Alex Jones and stated that the Sandy Hook and Parkland mass murders of dozens of schoolchildren were “staged” by Hollywood to generate support for gun safety measures?
That’s not even a matter of opinion but adjudicated positive fact, and still the Constitution protects your right to be wrong about facts unless you’re deliberately defrauding or cheating someone out of something, like their money or campaign contributions.
What about all of those Members, including the Chair of the Judiciary Committee, who follow Donald Trump in advancing the Big Lie that he actually won the 2020 election? Should we convert the 60 federal and state court decisions rejecting claims of election fraud and corruption, decisions that the Supreme Court never changed in any way, into a mass disciplinary offensive? Should we convert indisputable historical truth into discipline and punishment of dissenters and heretics?
What about the 11 Members of this body who lost the 405-11 vote in 2019 recognizing that the mass killing of Armenians by Ottoman Turks during World War I was a genocide?
Does their denial of the genocidal character of the deaths of more than one million Armenians qualify them for institutional punishment? Can we convert differing interpretations of history into the basis for legislative punishment?
Perhaps you say that political dissent should be uniquely punishable when it comes to foreign policy. But the First Amendment does not distinguish between speech having domestic policy or foreign policy content. All of it is protected. If not, every Member of this body who has voted against aid to Ukraine and praises Vladimir Putin for his “genius” and “savvy,” as former president Donald Trump did, or says “Putin is not our enemy,” as several have, could be censured for it.
There were 50 Members who voted against our entrance into World War I. Maybe they were right, maybe they were wrong, but surely, they shouldn’t be censured for it.
The Congresswoman from California, Ms. Lee, was the only Member for the House to vote against the open-ended authorization of use of force following 9/11, which led to our longest war in Afghanistan. Although she was vilified at the time for her vote, in the wake of 20 years of war in Afghanistan her vote today is seen as visionary by many people. Should she have been arraigned on the floor of the House of Representatives and censured for her unorthodox ideas about the dangers of war?
This Resolution not only degrades our Constitution but it cheapens the meaning of discipline in this body for people who actually commit wrongful actions, like bribery, fraud, violent assault and so on.
When people are punished for their political ideas and expression, they will wear it as a badge of honor; they will fundraise on it, as several have done in the past, raising millions of dollars from an outraged public; and they will join the public in mocking the speech censors of Congress.
A secure constitutional Republic which actively protects the freedom of dissenting speech to allow for serious debate shows its strength—not its weakness. As Thomas Jefferson put it, “If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.”
Now is a moment when we will get to see who in the House of Representatives believes in the freedom of speech, even the speech they hate, versus those who want to impose a political straitjacket of cancel culture on America and Congress.
###
Permalink: https://raskin.house.gov/2023/11/raskin-floor-remarks-on-h-res-845
From <https://raskin.house.gov/2023/11/raskin-floor-remarks-on-h-res-845>
Other US Campus Case Studies
“Stop Weaponizing Antisemitism”: Police “Body-Slam” Jewish Dartmouth Prof. at Campus Gaza Protest | 7 May 2024
Video 11 minutes | democracy.now
Dartmouth College students return to class after 90 arrests made during protest
Video 2min 30 seconds | MyNBC5-WPTZ
Dartmouth
Gaza solidarity protests continue at college campuses across the nation — as does the police crackdown. This comes as more than 50 chapters of the American Association of University Professors have issued a statement condemning the violent arrests by police at campus protests. At Dartmouth College last week, police body-slammed professor and former chair of Jewish studies Annelise Orleck to the ground as she tried to protect her students. She was charged with criminal trespass and temporarily banned from portions of Dartmouth’s campus. She joins us to describe her ordeal and respond to claims conflating the protests’ anti-Zionist message with antisemitism. “People have to be able to talk about Palestine without being attacked by police,” says Orleck, who commends the students leading protests around the country. “Their bravery is tremendous and is inspiring. And they really feel like this is the moral issue of their time, that there’s a genocide going on and that they can’t ignore it.”
UC Berkeley | Stanford
US universities search for ways to defuse campus tensions over Gaza
Jack, Andrew FT.com London (Nov 28, 2023).
The heads of Stanford and Berkeley had no time to chat about American football while they watched the high stakes “Big Game” between their two rival university teams together this month. They were too busy discussing the reverberations on their campuses from the conflict between Israel and Hamas in Gaza.
“Whenever I meet another chancellor, this is what we talk about,” says Carol Christ, the top official at Berkeley. Along with higher education leaders across the US, she has been exploring ways to balance freedom of speech with student safety, education and cultivating tolerance of different viewpoints.
The political tensions between students, staff and faculty on US campuses are at a pitch not seen since the Vietnam war. They have been ramped up by donors, alumni, recruiters and politicians and amplified on social media.
“Just because you have the right to say [something] doesn’t mean it’s right to say it,” Christ says. “We have both pro-Israel Jewish and Palestine advocates, each of which are fiercely convinced they are right and the others are wrong. They feel anguished, angry and deeply convinced of their rightness.”
The intense polarisation on campus reflects wider sentiment on the war in the US. Polls show Americans are more concerned about the conflict than people in other leading industrial nations. Younger people are also more sympathetic to the Palestinian cause with growing support for a ceasefire by Israel.
At Berkeley recently, activists draped a long banner with the Palestinian flag from its landmark Sather Tower in an unauthorised protest. At Stanford, police are investigating a hit and run incident against a Muslim student. Three more were shot and wounded near the University of Vermont in Burlington last weekend, according to police, who are investigating the incident as a possible hate crime.
Columbia University joined Brandeis and the state of Florida in banning pro-Palestinian student groups, while New York University has been sued for allegedly failing to protect Jewish students against antisemitism.
Across the country, the Council on American-Islamic Relations flagged nearly 1,300 complaints about Islamophobia in the month since Hamas’s assault on southern Israel on October 7, including several at Harvard focused on “doxxing” or publicly identifying allegedly pro-Palestinian students. Last week it sued the state of Florida for banning campus groups.
The Jewish Anti-Defamation League has tracked nearly 1,000 antisemitic incidents — 157 on campuses alone — with a particular concentration in north eastern US states, most notably at the universities of Pennsylvania, Harvard and Columbia.
All three of these institutions are high-profile, have strong links to influential donors, a significant number of Jewish students and, particularly in Columbia’s case, a deep history of Palestinian scholarship and activism. Their presidents are also all recently appointed and have been thrown into a fierce debate with little time to build connections.
“It matters a lot how long a president has been in position — they have relationships and understand different viewpoints,” says Christ, who began her role at Berkeley six years ago.
She also points out that as a public university, it has a strong obligation to protect free speech and more limited powers than her private rivals, such as Columbia and Brandeis, to limit demonstrations or ban student organisations.
The east coast universities in the spotlight are all located in cities with large student bodies that are fragmented and can be infiltrated by non-university demonstrators. They offer limited opportunities for those from different backgrounds to live together and learn to get on — a situation exacerbated by their isolation during the pandemic.
One response to the current crisis has been to start to create committees to build tighter links among students and tackle sensitive issues: both Columbia and New York University announced groups on antisemitism recently, for example. Berkeley established advisory committees for Jewish and Muslim students a decade ago.
A second initiative has been to foster more tolerance outside the classroom by encouraging diverse groups to live together and learn to get along. A senior academic at Yale says its approach of placing undergraduates in diverse residential colleges from the start of their studies where they sleep and eat in smaller groups has “really helped in defusing tensions”.
By contrast, Harvard’s equivalent “house” system begins only in the second year of study, by which time students have often already formed their own social groups. But Amanda Claybaugh, dean of undergraduate education at Harvard, says the university has begun appointing a larger number of residential “proctors” to support students in their first year.
She says students are shocked when faced with controversial ideas at university because they increasingly come from schools where “sensitive topics are off-limits and there is very little preparation in how to grapple with challenges like gender, race or sexuality”.
Harvard is also in discussions with PEN America, the freedom of speech group, to offer training on campus around academic freedom. “We took academic freedom for granted and stopped explaining it,” she says.
A third approach concerns their role to directly inform and to “model” civilised discussion even when there is disagreement. Shira Hoffer, a student at Harvard, this month launched a text Hotline for Israel/Palestine “promoting education for peace”. A variety of experts provide questioners with additional reading on the background to the conflict.
“There is a need for information,” she says. “The more I learn, the less moral clarity there is. People should be empowered with all information that is available. Non-partisan doesn’t exist, but we are multi-partisan.”
While students express suspicion at university-hosted events, Christ at Berkeley is among the leaders who have sought to urge respect for differences of opinion. Within days of October 7, she circulated an email from Hatem Bazian, a lecturer of Middle Eastern Languages and Cultures and Ron Hassner, professor of Israel Studies.
It read: “We are two professors on this campus who disagree, vehemently. But we have always treated one another with respect and dignity . . . Disagreement and differing points of view are an essential part of campus life, and we expect that you treat one another with the same respect and dignity that we are modelling here.”
Christ hopes that between Thanksgiving, exams, the Christmas holiday and a ceasefire, the conflicts on campuses will ease. But she stresses that despite the relative calm at Berkeley, she has “a lot of humility — tomorrow something could happen”.
Andrew Jack in New York
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2023
From <https://www.proquest.com/central/printviewfile?accountid=6749>
Works Cited
Jack, Andrew. "US Universities Search for Ways to Defuse Campus Tensions Over Gaza." FT.com (2023) ProQuest. 6 Feb. 2024 .
Northwestern University (2024Feb): In support of Palestine
(Parody on Paper results in arrest applying Klan laws on Black students)
Parent of Northwestern's student newspaper under fire over response to fake papers
By Brandon Dupré
Brandon Dupré is a reporter covering labor, nonprofits, higher education and the legal industry for Crain’s Chicago Business. Prior to joining Crain’s in 2022, he covered breaking news and COVID-19 at the New York Times. He was part of the Times’ coronavirus-tracking project, an effort that won the Pulitzer Prize in 2021.
Credit:Northwestern University
Northwestern's Evanston campus
February 05, 2024 02:43 PM
Students Publishing Company, the parent company of Northwestern's student newspaper The Daily Northwestern, is facing growing criticism for bringing charges against two NU students accused of producing and distributing a fake student paper that said the school was “complicit in genocide of Palestinians.”
Northwestern roiled by criminal charges against two students who made parody copies of student paper
Syed, Zareen Buckley, Madeline
. Chicago Tribune (Online)Tribune Publishing Company, LLC. Feb 5, 2024.
Divisions over the war in Gaza, questions about race as it relates to how the law is enforced, and what free speech means on campus are part of a controversy at Northwestern University and its student paper after two Black students were charged criminally for distributing a parody of the publication.
Nearly 90 Northwestern students, professors and community members criticized the response to the incident late last week, calling it part of an effort to silence pro-Palestinian voices that disproportionately affect people of color.
The two students were accused of distributing a parody of The Daily Northwestern and the consequences have many students and faculty calling it an overstep and a “symptom of the over-policing of Black students” on campus.
The men, 20 and 22, were charged in December with theft of advertising services, a class A misdemeanor, according to Cook County court records. The records say they were released on the scene, but the charge is still pending.
The men were the subject of the letter that identified them as Northwestern students who allegedly created an imitation front page of the campus newspaper that critiqued the university’s actions in connection to Israel’s bombardment of Gaza in response to last year’s Hamas terror attacks.
An attorney representing the men declined to comment. They are scheduled to appear in court again Feb. 29 in the Skokie branch court.
Cook County State’s Attorney Kim Foxx also declined to respond to messages seeking comment.
“I think the approach to these two students was extremely aggressive and unnecessary,” said Mary Pattillo, professor of sociology and chair of the Department of Black Studies at Northwestern, who signed the letter. “This strikes me as very much in line with a country that has no other way to manage behavior other than criminalizing it.”
On Oct. 25, students on campus could find a single-page flyer that looked similar to the popular student-run newspaper with the headline “Northwestern complicit in genocide of Palestinians” printed across its lower third.
A court filing accuses the two men of attaching “an unauthorized replica of the Daily Northwestern Newspaper” to a previously distributed edition and placing copies in the newspaper stand.
The charges say they did so “without a contractual agreement between the publisher and an advertiser.” Listed as the complainant is Stacia Campbell, general manager of Student Publishing Co.
In a Monday statement, Student Publishing, parent company of The Daily Northwestern, said it reported the fake front page to campus police, which resulted in charges filed by the Cook County state’s attorney’s office.
It noted that as a private entity, it does not have the ability to file or dismiss charges.
“The content of the fake front page had no bearing on this decision,” the statement read.. “This is not an issue of speech or parody. A fake newspaper distributed on its own, apart from The Daily Northwestern, would cause no concern. But tampering with the distribution of a student newspaper is impermissible conduct.”
Evgeny Stolyarov, a second-year student of Middle East and North African studies, said when he first saw copies of the parody newspaper in his biology lecture hall on Oct. 25, he thought the move was “genius.”
“I don’t think a single person who saw those thought it was the real ‘Daily Northwestern,’” Stolyarov said. “First of all, it was not called the ‘Daily Northwestern,’ but the ‘Northwestern Daily.’ The reaction wasn’t as big at the moment, and I don’t think anyone expected that it would be a Class A misdemeanor.”
Stolyarov noted that the authentic newspaper’s print cycle is Mondays and Thursdays, and the parody was distributed on a Wednesday.
“So no one was looking for the new copy and walked into this thinking, ‘Oh, I’ve been fooled!’” he said. “So to say that somehow this infringed on the rights of the journalists – who also released a statement saying that the charges should be dropped – I just think that all across the board, the arguments don’t add up.”
In an editorial posted Feb. 5, The Daily Northwestern Editorial Board said they don’t support the criminal prosecution of the students responsible for the parody paper.
“Our newspaper has always prided itself on its commitment to informing and supporting students, and we believe our publisher should play no part in perpetrating harm against the communities we aim to serve,” the editorial stated.
“Our university and community — along with the American policing and justice system as a whole — has a long history of placing people of color in harm’s way. As a publication that strives to unearth these injustices through our reporting, we remain wholeheartedly opposed to any course of action that would entwine our publication with this harmful legacy.”
Pattillo said, unfortunately, the approach taken doesn’t surprise her. The conflict has stirred controversy at elite universities across the country.
“I think campuses are always forever challenged with how to approach the energies of their students,” she said. “In this moment where we might think about other approaches like restorative justice or, on a college campus, one might think of more dialogue – instead, this escalated to the criminal legal system.”
Pattillo noted that this type of policing is what Black students organized against last year after the university announced it would use private security to remove them from campus buildings at night when Northwestern University Community Not Cops’ (NUCNC) protests to invest in Black students were met with pepper spray and arrests.
“I think given that students of color are especially at the forefront of this particular social movement, and at the forefront of many social movements, it is the students who represent groups who experience oppression who rise up and protest,” Pattillo said.
According to Pattillo, students of color facing a greater extent of the law is an issue seen on college campuses near and far.
In November, a Palestinian American student at the University of Illinois at Chicago was handcuffed and arrested in a classroom and charged with criminal defacement for marking up property with messages supporting Palestine around campus.
Though the charge was dismissed, students said the consequences were an overreach by the university.
“We’ve had so many instances where UICPD has been aggressive to Muslim students for no reason,” said Celine Taki, a Syrian American junior at UIC, who was at a January rally calling for the firing of the campus police officers who carried out the arrest. “That girl was arrested just because she wrote Free Palestine on the wall. There’s been over 130 cases of vandalism on this campus, but only that one resulted in an arrest where she was detained.”
According to the latest available UIC police records, the Palestinian American student is the only person to have been arrested for criminal defacement on campus.
“On university campuses, it is always important to remember that we’re talking about 18- to 22-year-olds, sometimes 17- to 22-year-olds – I think the most important approach is to think of the university as one large classroom and to treat all students as students and that this is their learning journey, and to approach them as learners and as teachers as well,” Pattillo added. “I do think that their activism is also instructive for their colleagues and for their faculty members and staff and administrators. That is the kind of approach that should be taken in these very, very tense and difficult moments.”
Northwestern community members who penned the North by Northwestern letter are asking others to show support by adding their names to a Change.org petition demanding the charges be dropped.
“The vast majority of the student body, whether it’s groups that are directly connected to Palestine or groups that have nothing to do with the movement, all agree that this will have a chilling effect on free speech,” said Stolyarov, who is a member of Jewish Wildcats for Ceasefire. “It’s nothing new that the university uses police brutality, especially against black students, so it was both shock and a sense that we’ve seen this before.”
Ed Yohnka, a spokesman for the American Civil Liberties Union Illinois, said the charges feel like “a misuse of the statute” the pair was cited under.
“These are college students that were engaging in a political protest, one might even describe it as a stunt to make a political point,” Yohnka said. “No one was meaningfully harmed as a result of this.”
Yohnka noted that criminal charges could follow and potentially harm individuals for years and said the use of the statute in this instance raises concerns that criminal charges could be levied unequally based on the type of speech in question.
“This is where the prosecutorial power that is going to be used feels a little off the mark in a use of taxpayer dollars,” he said.
Copyright Tribune Publishing Company, LLC 2024
From <https://www.proquest.com/central/printviewfile?accountid=6749>
Works Cited
Syed, Zareen, and Madeline Buckley. Northwestern Roiled by Criminal Charges Against Two Students Who made Parody Copies of Student Paper. Chicago: Tribune Publishing Company, LLC, 2024. ProQuest. 6 Feb. 2024 .
Outcry Over Northwestern Students Charged for Parody Pro-Palestine Newspaper
‘OVER-POLICING’ Two students face charges for distributing a fake front page condemning Israel with the university’s official student newspaper.
Published Feb. 06, 2024 2:55PM EST
Two students at Northwestern University are facing up to a year in prison for distributing a parody front page attached to the school’s newspaper that criticized the university’s response to Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.
The faux “Northwestern Daily” paper’s front page featured the headline “Northwestern complicit in genocide of Palestinians,” along with invented quotes from school officials, a false report about a leaflet drop telling students who lived above a certain street to evacuate their homes, and a fake ad for a “Birthright Israel” trip with the slogan, “One man’s home is another man’s former home!”
The students face charges for theft of advertising services, a Class A misdemeanor specific to Illinois and California that was originally used to prevent the Ku Klux Klan from distributing materials in their daily papers, according to The Intercept. The charges carry a potential sentence of up to a year in prison, and a $2,500 fine.
When 300 copies of the fake paper were first distributed in October, Students Publishing Company, which owns the real Daily Northwestern, announced that it had informed the police about the incident.
“We reject and condemn this act of vandalism, and we have engaged law enforcement to investigate and find those responsible,” the Board of Directors wrote in a statement. A spokesperson for the SPC told The Intercept that the organization had pursued a criminal investigation.
On Monday, The Daily Northwestern’s editorial board published a statement objecting to the charges and the treatment of their peers.
“While the students’ alleged actions may violate Illinois law, we believe SPC’s decision to engage the criminal justice system during this investigation was unnecessary and harmful,” they wrote. They have asked the SPC to notify the Cooks County State’s Attorney’s office that it no longer wishes for the charges to be prosecuted.
The Daily Northwestern’s editorial board said that the case against the students, who are Black, is part of “a long history of placing people of color in harm’s way.”
“We hope this situation invites reflection about the impacts that people, particularly people of color, may face as a result of decisions that involve the police,” they wrote in the statement. Over 6,000 Northwestern students have signed a petition opposing the criminal charges, and the “targeted over-policing of Black students.”
The SPC’s board has denied having a political agenda in its pursuit of criminal charges. “This is not an issue of free speech or parody,” the board said in a statement on Monday. “[J]ust as you cannot take over the airwaves of a TV station or the website of a publication, you also cannot disrupt the distribution of a student newspaper.”
@edieocreedith.olmsted@thedailybeast.com
Criminal Charges for Pro-Palestine College Newspaper Parody
Publishers of the school newspaper notified police. Now the students, charged under an obscure anti-KKK law, face a year in jail.
February 5 2024,
Students at Northwestern University, in the Chicago suburbs, woke up on October 25 to face an unexpected allegation. “Northwestern complicit in genocide of Palestinians,” declared the school’s venerable student newspaper, the Daily Northwestern, in a front-page story.
The students, however, weren’t really looking at the Daily Northwestern. Instead, they had found the Northwestern Daily, a parody newspaper attacking the school’s stance on Israel’s war on the Gaza Strip.
The mock front page featured fake quotes from school officials, accusations of Israeli war crimes, and a fake ad for Birthright Israel — the travel abroad program that sends young American Jews to Israel — with the tagline “One man’s home is another man’s former home!” Overnight, someone had pinned the mock papers on bulletin boards, spread them on desks in lecture halls, and even wrapped the false front pages around roughly 300 copies of the Daily Northwestern itself.
IMAGE: A photo of the parody cover of the Daily Northwestern mocking Northwestern University’s stances on Israel’s war in Gaza.
Obtained by The Intercept
The stunt quickly sparkedOpens in a new taba furor among Israel’s supporters online. One writer, at the conservative National Review, said the fake newspaper included an antisemitic “blood libel.” The university itself saidOpens in a new tabthe spoof “included images and language about Israel that many in our community found offensive.”
The parent company of the school paper, Students Publishing Company, or SPC, announcedOpens in a new tabthat it had “engaged law enforcement to investigate and find those responsible.” The results of the inquiry are just now coming to light.
Following the investigation, local prosecutors brought charges against two students for theft of advertising services. The little-known statute appears to only exist in IllinoisOpens in a new taband CaliforniaOpens in a new tab, where it was originally passedOpens in a new tabto prevent the Ku Klux Klan from distributing recruitment materials in newspapers. The statute makes it illegal to insert an “unauthorized advertisement in a newspaper or periodical.” The students, both of whom are Black, now face up to a year in jail and a $2,500 fine.
have never seen anyone charged with theft of advertising,” said Elaine Odeh, a lawyer who formerly supervised public defenders in Cook County, Illinois, which includes Evanston, where Northwestern is based.
Jon Yates, a spokesperson for Northwestern, told The Intercept and Responsible Statecraft, “The Students Publishing Company, independent publisher of The Daily Northwestern, pursued a criminal complaint related to the publication of the ‘fake Daily’ this fall. As required by law, University Police pursued a criminal investigation, which led to a citation for violating state law that was issued to multiple students.” (SPC is independentOpens in a new tabfrom the university, though several professors and students sit on its board of directorsOpens in a new tab.)
Some student staffers working for the actual Daily Northwestern are angry that charges are going forward, according to a former Daily Northwestern editor and current student, who requested anonymity for fear of retaliation from school officials. “It’s very clear that this is a discriminatory action,” the student said. The Daily Northwestern’s own editorial board wroteOpens in a new tabMonday that its publisher should formally request that the case be dropped, calling the investigation “unnecessary and harmful.” (Disclosure: I am a graduate of Northwestern’s journalism school but was never involved with the Daily Northwestern.)
The Class A misdemeanor charges, the highest level short of a felony, represent an escalation in the battle over free speech and protest on college campuses as the war in Gaza drags into its fifth month. Pro-Palestine activism on campus has faced a severe crackdown due to what Israel’s backers say is antisemitism and hate speech, with school administrations working closely with police.
“It’s always a concern when colleges and universities appear to be disproportionately targeting one form of political speech.”
At American University, school officials enlisted the FBI to help investigate incidents in which students defaced pro-Israel posters. Several colleges have banned or suspended chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine, a popular pro-Palestine group, including at Columbia University, which subsequently beefed upOpens in a new tabits police presence. And several dozen students at the University of Michigan are facing charges for trespassing after refusing police orders to leave a building.
Graham Piro of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, a nonprofit specializing in free speech advocacy, said, “It’s always a concern when colleges and universities appear to be disproportionately targeting one form of political speech.”
“Pursue It as a Criminal Act”
At Northwestern, the criminal charges struck many as a serious escalation. One student, who requested anonymity to prevent backlash from family in Israel, said he found the parody “offensive” but felt the charges went too far.
Stephanie Kollmann, the policy director of a Northwestern’s law school clinic focused on criminal justice, questioned why SPC chose to go directly to the police rather than issuing a cease-and-desist letter to the students. Kollmann said colleges and affiliated institutions often seek to keep incidents out of the courts despite potential criminal conduct. The fact that charges were brought in this case means that SPC, university police, and the state’s attorney’s office all used their discretion to opt for the harshest response.
“The idea that multiple people in a chain of reaction to this incident repeatedly decided to not use any of the other tools of reproval available to them,” said Kollmann, “but rather chose to pursue it as a criminal act is frankly remarkable.”
Many at the university are pushing back on the charges. Over 70 student organizations — including high-profile groups like Mayfest Productions, which sponsors an annual music festival on campus — have pledgedOpens in a new tabto not speak with the Daily Northwestern until the charges are dropped. “Even students who have just been generally quiet on what’s happening with Israel and Palestine, I’ve been seeing them speak out for the first time regarding this,” said a student organizer, who requested anonymity due to fears of retaliation from the university.
More than 5,000 people have signedOpens in a new taba student-led petition calling on SPC to drop the charges and alleging that the incident represents “targeted over-policing of Black students.”
Students and lawyers expressed surprise that prosecutors chose to bring the hammer down using such a little-known law, especially one originally designed to target white supremacist groups. Chicago police have only ever arrested one person under the statute, according to the city’s arrest databaseOpens in a new tab.
The decision of whether to prosecute the charges now rests solely with the local prosecutor, the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office, which did not respond to a request for comment. SPC, however, can join students in asking prosecutors to drop the case, which could influence their decision-making going forward.
SPC’s board of directors, for its part, denies that political motivations had anything to do with its decision to report the incident to police. “This is not an issue of free speech or parody,” the board said in a statement. “[J]ust as you cannot take over the airwaves of a TV station or the website of a publication, you also cannot disrupt the distribution of a student newspaper.”
The board includes several prominent journalists and media executives, including longtime ESPN personality J.A. Adande, CNN legal director Steve Kiehl, and Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Robert Samuels.
The war in Gaza has created a litany of challenges for Northwestern. President Michael Schill initially drew backlash when, shortly after October 7, he saidOpens in a new tabthe school would not take a position on the conflict. Schill issuedOpens in a new taba second statement just a day later, in which he condemned Hamas’s attacks as “barbaric acts” that are “clearly antithetical to Northwestern’s values.”
“If this was done about literally any other topic, there would not be this amount of blowback.”
Some facultyOpens in a new taband studentsOpens in a new tabhave loudly condemned the school, saying it’s showed a bias against pro-Palestinian activists. However, pro-Israel advocates claim Schill has failed to protect Jewish students. Alums for Campus Fairness droppedOpens in a new taba cool $600,000 on ads attacking Schill, including a 30-second spot that ran during Northwestern’s bowl game. The ad allegedOpens in a new tabthat student groups “resoundingly support” Hamas and called on the school to “take decisive action against individuals violating university policy.”
Evgeny Stolyarov, a Jewish student at Northwestern who supports a ceasefire in Gaza, said that the charges will have a “chilling effect on speech” related to the war.
“If this was done about literally any other topic, there would not be this amount of blowback,” Stolyarov said. “It also, in some ways, reinvigorates the student body,” he added. “Hopefully this ends up bringing activists on campus together.”
From <https://theintercept.com/2024/02/05/northwestern-criminal-charges-palestine-newspaper-israel/>
Editorial: The Daily objects to the prosecution of our peers
The Daily Northwestern Editorial Board
February 5, 2024
In a letter to the editor published in student magazine North by Northwestern on Friday, 89 student organizations, faculty and other Northwestern affiliates called on Students Publishing Company to drop charges against two Black students implicated in the false front pages placed onto copies of The Daily Northwestern’s Oct. 23, 2023 print paper. As of Sunday night, over 5,500 people have signed a petition urging the same.
After SPC — The Daily’s parent company — reported the incident to University Police, the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office charged two Northwestern students with theft of advertising services in November. This charge is a Class A misdemeanor in Illinois and carries a maximum sentence of one year in jail and a fine of up to $2,500.
Specifically, the act of attaching imitation papers to The Daily’s print paper without a contract can be seen as theft of paid advertising space under Illinois law –– regardless of their content or status as protected speech under the First Amendment.
While the students’ alleged actions may violate Illinois law, we believe SPC’s decision to engage the criminal justice system during this investigation was unnecessary and harmful. As the editorial board, we have outlined our concerns with SPC’s course of action and asked the board of directors to submit a formal recommendation to the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office requesting that charges against the two students be dismissed.
Neither SPC nor The Daily has the authority to bring or dismiss criminal charges against any person — that decision lies with the state’s attorney’s office. However, the editorial board hopes that if SPC notifies the office that it no longer has an interest in seeing the students prosecuted, the prosecutor will likely drop the charges.
The Daily did not authorize the copies nor their content. We object to tampering with The Daily, and we acknowledge that the imitated front pages damaged our relationships with community members. Our publication remains committed to free expression and sharing stories with accuracy, nuance and precision.
Despite these objections, the editorial board cannot support the criminal prosecution of our peers.
Our newspaper has always prided itself on its commitment to informing and supporting students, and we believe our publisher should play no part in perpetrating harm against the communities we aim to serve.
Our University and community — along with the American policing and justice system as a whole — has a long history of placing people of color in harm’s way. As a publication that strives to unearth these injustices through our reporting, we remain wholeheartedly opposed to any course of action that would entwine our publication with this harmful legacy.
We hope this situation invites reflection about the impacts that people, particularly people of color, may face as a result of decisions that involve the police. Making a call or filing a complaint demands extraordinary thought and consideration beyond an action’s legality.
This piece represents the majority opinion of the editorial board of The Daily Northwestern. The views expressed in this piece do not necessarily reflect the views of all staff members or editorial board members of The Daily Northwestern.
Students Publishing Company: We will intercede with State’s Attorney on charges
John Byrne, Chair of Students Publishing Company Board of Directors
February 6, 2024
To the Northwestern Community:
Just a few days ago, most of you had no idea of our existence. Now, after a change.org petition, letters to the editors of campus publications, an editorial, board statements, social media posts, calls for boycotts, more letters to the board, and now local and national news media coverage, I thought it might be good to introduce the Students Publishing Company Board of Directors.
We are part of the Northwestern community – 13 volunteers who are students, faculty, staff members and alumni – including four former editors-in-chief of The Daily Northwestern. Our primary role is to manage the business of the paper, including significant fundraising, and select editors-in-chief who have the talent and wits to run a thriving, independent newsroom. Each board member loves what we do as the collective nonprofit “publisher” of what we consider the best student newspaper in the country.
We owe you a fact-filled explanation of what’s been happening since several hundred copies of The Daily were tampered with on October 25, 2023. And we need to express our regret for the unintended consequences of our actions since that tampering, not the least of which has been the harm to the students criminally charged in connection with the incident, as well as the distress over it in our own newsroom.
You’ve probably already heard about the tampering, which involved wrapping several hundred copies of The Daily Northwestern with a fake front page designed to closely resemble the paper, down to the look of the top “nameplate,” as well as the layout and the fonts used. Except the nameplate read “The Northwestern Daily,” and the content was not something you would ever see in the actual Daily.
Whatever you might think about the content of that fake front page – and many of us were offended by it – the disturbing words and images weren’t the reason we decided to take action. It was the use of The Daily as a vehicle to distribute the fake front page that upset us. This co-opting of the work of our student journalists and the potential damage to the reputation of the paper built upon more than a century of hard work was the problem. To us, it seemed no different from someone hacking into our website to post their own content and replace ours.
So, we reported the tampering to Northwestern Police, thinking this was our best option. Our intent was to protect the student journalists at The Daily, as well as the paper’s reputation. We wanted to show how much we valued our students’ efforts and our front page, the manifestation of the best of our journalists’ reporting efforts.
Once we informed the NU Police of the incident, their investigation identified two people who were possibly involved. At that point, we were asked to sign “complaints” against those two individuals, presumably as part of the investigation. We didn’t understand how these complaints started a process that we could no longer control – and something we never intended. As it turned out, we were never informed by the State’s Attorney’s Office that these people would be charged – and we were not asked whether we even wanted them to be charged. We heard nothing further on the investigation from NU Police despite reaching out to them. Eventually, we received some second-hand information – now clearly incorrect – that the two individuals were not NU students. Otherwise, we didn’t know anything about them.
The charge the two people face is misdemeanor-level “theft of advertising.” They apparently weren’t arrested but instead received notice of the charge in the form of a written citation (like a ticket but worse). However, one citation apparently was delivered in person by uniformed police, which we’re sure was an unpleasant, if not downright frightful, experience. For someone convicted of theft of advertising, the penalties can be as harsh as some jail time, a substantial fine (for a student), or both. It also can mean a permanent mark on someone’s “record” that follows them for many years, if not forever. Illinois allows for expungement of records for these types of crimes after a certain amount of time, but there’s no guarantee.
It’s only been in the last four days that we learned more information about the people charged: that they are students; that they are Black. Some may disagree, but these facts matter to us.
We have been listening to our fellow community members, and they have been heard. We understand and recognize why we need to take action. We hope to heal the hurt and repair the relationships that have been damaged and frayed by our unintentional foray into the criminal justice system.
So, what are we doing? As of yesterday, we have hired legal counsel to work on our behalf with the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office to pursue a resolution to this matter that results in nothing punitive or permanent. Since we are not a party to the case, we lack any authority to ensure this resolution, but we intend to use all available resources in good faith to try to get there.
As a board and as individual members of the Northwestern community, we don’t wish to cause harm to other members of this community. We hope that everyone else in our community feels the same.
We have been reminded of Students Publishing Company’s primary mission: “To enhance, implement and further the educational and charitable goals of Northwestern University … and to serve the interests of the Northwestern University community.” We are reaffirming our commitment to this mission.
On behalf of the Board of Directors,
John Byrne
Medill 1990, Daily Northwestern Editor-in-Chief 1989-90
Chair, Students Publishing Company Board of Directors
NU newspaper publisher criticized by campus groups, student editors for pursuing criminal charges over fake front pages
Two students charged with rare misdemeanor originally created in response to white supremacist group
byAlex HarrisonFebruary 6th, 2024
Students Publishing Company, the nonprofit owner and publisher of student newspaper The Daily Northwestern, is facing backlash from campus organizations and the newspaper’s own staff for filing misdemeanor complaints against two Black NU students for allegedly wrapping imitated front pages around real copies of the paper in October 2023.
The single-page leaflet imitated the style and layout of The Daily’s front page, and contained content accusing Northwestern University of being “complicit in genocide of Palestinians” in reference to the ongoing Israel-Hamas War. Sometime before the morning of Oct. 25, 2023, prints of the leaflet were wrapped around copies of The Daily’s Oct. 23 print edition in dozens of newsstands and left on classroom desks around Northwestern’s campus.
Now, the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office is prosecuting two Northwestern students for creating and distributing the leaflets with charges of “theft of advertising services” based on criminal complaints filed by SPC. The charge is a Class A misdemeanor, which carries a sentence of up to a year in jail and a fine of up to $2,500, and was originally created in 2001 in response to a white supremacist group’s activities downstate.
A collection of student organizations and other campus community members have published letters to the editor in The Daily and student magazine North by Northwestern calling on SPC to request prosecutors drop the charges.
“These charges are a stark reminder of the intersectional battle against racial bias and the silencing of dissenting voices within our academic institutions,” reads the letter published in The Daily, which is signed by 70 student organizations. “They reveal a disturbing confluence of over policing and anti-Blackness, disproportionately affecting students of color who dare to engage in critical discourse and advocacy.”
A majority of The Daily’s student editors published their own editorial objecting to the charges on Feb. 5.
“The editorial board cannot support the criminal prosecution of our peers,” the editorial reads. “Our newspaper has always prided itself on its commitment to informing and supporting students, and we believe our publisher should play no part in perpetrating harm against the communities we aim to serve.”
The same day, the SPC board published its own statement in The Daily responding to an online petition demanding the charges be dropped, writing that the decision to file criminal complaints was “not an issue of speech or parody.”
“A fake newspaper distributed on its own, apart from The Daily Northwestern, would cause no concern,” the board’s statement reads. “But tampering with the distribution of a student newspaper is impermissible conduct.”
SPC Board Chair John Byrne and Daily Editor-in-Chief Avani Kalra both declined to comment beyond the published statements.
The RoundTable confirmed the students’ identities but will not publish their names due to the charges being misdemeanors. The students’ defense attorney, Andrew Finke, declined to comment for this story.
Imitating the front page
The newspaper-length leaflet wrapped around the newspapers included a masthead reading “The Northwestern Daily” in a similar font and color as the paper’s real masthead, as well as an altered website and social media handle.
Below the masthead was a photo of doctors holding a press conference surrounded by deceased civilians in the rubble of al-Ahli Hospital in Gaza City on Oct. 18, following an explosion that killed hundreds of Palestinians the day prior. Further down the page was a satirical article with the headline “Northwestern complicit in the genocide of Palestinians,” as well as a fake advertisement for Birthright Israel and a QR code linking to the website northwesternhasbloodonitshands.com.
Following the leaflets’ discovery on Oct. 25, Kalra said the paper’s staff were “unaware and unaffiliated with” their creation, while the SPC board of directors wrote in a statement that they “reject and condemn this act of vandalism.”
“We have engaged law enforcement to investigate and find those responsible,” the SPC board wrote in its statement.
One month later on Nov. 27, criminal complaints signed by SPC General Manager Stacia Campbell were filed alleging the students committed theft of advertising services, according to court filings reviewed by the RoundTable on Feb. 5. The filings did not contain any incident or investigation reports, or other information about the investigation conducted by Northwestern’s University Police.
Stephanie Kollmann, the policy director of the Children and Family Justice Center at Northwestern’s Pritzker School of Law, wrote in an email to the RoundTable that while it’s reasonable for the published to want to “prevent any future tampering” which could cause confusion for readers, pursuing criminal charges seems “disproportionately harsh” and “contrary to the goal itself.”
She added that other options like university discipline or a cease and desist letter could have been pursued instead, and noted that the specific charge is obscure and “is almost never used to prosecute anyone.”
“Neither the SPC nor Northwestern notified the broader student campus community of the fact that wrapping a parody sheet around a student newspaper could be considered a criminal act,” Kollmann wrote. “To me, if the goal were to prevent future incidents of students wrapping the newspaper, the information that it was a crime to do so would have been publicized.”
Northwestern spokesperson Jon Yates told the RoundTable via email that University Police completed the investigation and delivered misdemeanor citations to the students, and that officers did not arrest the students in the process.
“The Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office determines whether charges are brought with respect to this matter,” Yates wrote. “We cannot comment on specifics of the pending investigation.”
The Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office did not respond to an emailed request for comment.
Legislative intents
State law defines theft of advertising services as when someone “attaches or inserts an unauthorized advertisement in a newspaper or periodical” without the consent of the paper’s publisher or distributor.
The offense was created in Illinois by the adoption of House Bill 3214 in 2001, and otherwise appears to exist only in California, where it was intended to combat recruitment efforts by the Ku Klux Klan.
Prior to the bill’s initial passage by the Illinois House of Representatives, sponsor and former State Rep. Sidney Mathias said that it was introduced in response to “a hate group” inserting “hate literature” into newspapers in peoples’ driveways in the downstate town of Pekin, according to a legislative transcript. The Copley News Service reported at the time that this group was the neo-Nazi “World Church of the Creator,” led by white supremacist Matt Hale.
According to another legislative transcript, sponsor and former State Sen. William Peterson said prior to its passage in the Illinois Senate that the bill was not intended to criminalize placing unauthorized materials outside of a newspaper. One example he discussed was if a political campaign volunteer placed a pamphlet for their candidate on top of a newspaper at someone’s home.
“An individual can put the pamphlet underneath the paper; they can put it on top of the paper,” Peterson said, according to the transcript. “They can’t put it in the paper. What you’re doing is depriving that newspaper of the funds that they would receive if you went and gave them those pamphlets to insert [and] to distribute. There are other ways to get around it.”
In its Feb. 6 statement, the SPC board stressed that decisions to drop or pursue criminal charges are “made by the state’s attorney alone.” In their editorial published the same day, The Daily’s editors wrote that they hope that “if SPC notifies the office that it no longer has an interest in seeing the students prosecuted, the prosecutor will likely drop the charges.”
Kollmann, the legal policy director, stressed in her email to the RoundTable that “political speech is well-protected” and wrote she’s concerned the charges will lead students to believe “the parody itself is somehow illegal.”
“Because risking confusion over whether speech is criminalized is not in the public interest,” Kollmann wrote, “and the goals of preventing future incidents like this were able to be achieved in so many other ways that do not involve state and county resources, it would not surprise me if the Cook County State’s Attorney decided to decline to prosecute the incident.”
The students’ next court appearance is scheduled for Thursday, Feb. 29, according to court filings.
Cook county
https://www.cookcountyil.gov/agency/states-attorney>
https://www.cookcountystatesattorney.org/about/kimberly-foxx
Criminal Prosecutions Bureau
As the largest bureau within CCSAO, the Criminal Prosecutions Bureau (CPB) comprises multiple divisions and units. With a team of approximately 500 dedicated Assistant State’s Attorneys, CPB is committed to serving the residents of Cook County through diligent and honest prosecution of crimes.
From <https://www.cookcountystatesattorney.org/criminal-prosecutions-bureau>
Organization of the Circuit Court
The Circuit Court of Cook County of the State of Illinois is the largest of the 24 judicial circuits in Illinois and one of the largest unified court systems in the world. It has about 400 judges who serve the 5.2 million residents of Cook County within the City of Chicago and its 126 surrounding suburbs. More than 1 million cases are filed each year.
From <https://www.cookcountycourt.org/ABOUT-THE-COURT/Organization-of-the-Circuit-Court>
https://www.cookcountycourt.org/ABOUT-THE-COURT/Organization-of-the-Circuit-Court
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Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office
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With more than 700 attorneys, the Cook County State's Attorney's Office is the second largest prosecutor's office in the nation. The CCSAO is responsible for the prosecution of all misdemeanor and felony crimes committed in Cook County, one of the largest counties in the United States. The CCSAO als... Read more
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Cook County State's Attorney
Kim Foxx
ull Licensed Name
Kimberly Michelle Foxx
Registered Address
Cook County State's Attorney
69 West Washington Suite 3200
Chicago, Illinois 60602-3174
Registered Phone
(312) 603-3035
From <https://www.iardc.org/Lawyer/SearchResults#>
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Full Licensed Name
Cathy McNeil Stein
Registered Address
Cook County State's Attorney's Office
50 W. Washington Street 5th Floor
Chicago, Illinois 60602-1305
From <https://www.iardc.org/Lawyer/SearchResults#>
Chief Civil Actions Bureau
Chief Criminal Prosecutions Bureau
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Chief Ethics Officer
Chief Special Prosecutions Bureau
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Director Of Community Engagement
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Donyelle L. Gray
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Community Engagement Liaison
Clerk Human Trafficking Unit
Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office ICAC Task Force
From <https://theorg.com/org/cook-county-states-attorneys-office>
https://www.cookcountyil.gov/sites/g/files/ywwepo161/files/service/county-wide-org-chart-12-7-18.pdf
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alma.anaya@cookcountyil.gov
alma.anaya@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...on/alma-e-anaya
Bill.Lowry@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...rson/bill-lowry
Bridget.Degnen@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo.../bridget-degnen
Bridget@bridgetgainer.com
https://www.coo...ridget-gainer-0
Dennis.Deer@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...son/dennis-deer
Donna.Miller@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...on/donna-miller
Frank.Aguilar@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...frank-j-aguilar
john.daley@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...on/john-p-daley
Kevin.Morrison@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...evin-b-morrison
Scott.Britton@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...scott-r-britton
Sean.Morrison@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...sean-m-morrison
stanley.moore2@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...n/stanley-moore
From <https://cook-county.legistar.com/People.aspx>
LAW ENForceMENT COMMITTEE
Commissioner
12/3/2018
12/6/2026
Donna.Miller@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...on/donna-miller
Vice Chairman
5/21/2020
12/6/2026
Frank.Aguilar@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...frank-j-aguilar
Commissioner
12/3/2018
12/6/2026
Kevin.Morrison@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...evin-b-morrison
Commissioner
12/3/2018
12/6/2026
Scott.Britton@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...scott-r-britton
Commissioner
12/5/2022
12/6/2026
Sean.Morrison@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...sean-m-morrison
Chairman
4/11/2013
12/6/2026
stanley.moore2@cookcountyil.gov
https://www.coo...n/stanley-moore
Commissioner
6/29/2023
12/6/2026
COOK COUNTY BOARD PRESIDENT:
Toni Preckwinkle, info@tonipreckwinkle.org, (312) 603-6400
COOK COUNTY COMMISSIONERS:
1st District: Earlean Collins, earlean.collins@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603-4566
2nd District: Robert Steele, r.steele@robertsteele.org, (773) 722-0140
3rd District: Jerry “Iceman” Butler, jerry.butler@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603 6391
4th District: William M. Beavers, william.beavers@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603-2065
5th District: Deborah Sims, deborah.sims@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603 6381
6th District: Joan Patricia Murphy, joan.murphy@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603-4216
7th District: Jesus G. Garcia, jesus.chuy.garcia@gmail.com, (312) 603-5443
8th District: Edwin Reyes, edwin.reyes@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603-6386
9th District: Peter N. Silvestri, cookcty9@aol.com, (312) 603-4393
10th District: Bridget Gainer, commissioner@bridgetgainer.com, (312) 603-4210
11th District: John P. Daley, john.daley@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603-4400
12th District: John A. Fritchey, commish@fritchey.com, (312) 603-6380
13th District: Larry Suffredin, larry.suffredin@cookcountyil.gov, (312)603-6383
14th District: Gregg Goslin, commissioner.goslin@cookcountyil.gov, (312)603-4932
15th District: Timothy O. Schneider, tim.schneider@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603-6388
16th District: Jeffrey R. Tobolski, Jeffrey.tobolski@cookcountyil.gov, (312) 603-6384, (708)352-2301
17th District: Elizabeth “Liz” Gorman, liz@lizgorman.com, (312 )603-4215
From <https://news.wttw.com/content/contact-cook-county-leadership-team>
==================
Office of the Independent Inspector General
Agencies >
Office of the Independent Inspector General
Phone Number
(312) 603-0350
Independent.InspectorGeneral@cookcountyil.gov
Mission Statement
The mission of the OIIG is to detect, deter and prevent corruption, fraud, waste, mismanagement, unlawful political discrimination and misconduct in the operation of Cook County government with integrity, independence, professionalism and respect for both the rule of law and the people we serve. The OIIG conducts investigations and issues findings and recommendations to Cook County government officials. The OIIG also investigates potential criminal violations involving the conduct of Cook County employees acting in their official capacities and refers such matters for prosecution. Because the OIIG is a fact-finding agency, it cannot dictate a legal outcome.
The OIIG also serves as a liaison between the County and outside law enforcement authorities and prosecutorial agencies when cases are referred.
The OIIG's jurisdiction includes employees, elected and appointed officials in the performance of their official duties, as well as contractors and subcontractors doing or seeking to do business with Cook County government.
Agency Head
Steven E. Cyranoski, Interim Inspector General
From <https://www.cookcountyil.gov/agency/office-independent-inspector-general>
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Address: Morton Civic Center, 2100 Ridge Ave., Evanston, IL 60201
Email: erevelle@cityofevanston.org
Phone: 312.459.0644
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/7th-ward>
Email: tsuffredin@cityofevanston.org
Phone: 847.859.7810
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/6th-ward>
Email: jgeracaris@cityofevanston.org
Phone: 847-868-2197
Facebook: @NinthWardJuan
Instagram: @9thWardJuan
Ward Meetings
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/9th-ward>
Email: dreid@cityofevanston.org
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/8th-ward>
Email: bburns@cityofevanston.org
Cell: 847-766-5871
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/5th-ward>
Email: jnieuwsma@cityofevanston.org
Phone: 773-255-0716
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/4th-ward>
Email: mwynne@cityofevanston.org
Phone: 847.840.7751
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/3rd-ward>
Email: kharris@cityofevanston.org
Phone: 847-448-0986
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/2nd-ward>
Email: ckelly@cityofevanston.org
Phone: 224-612-2008
From <https://www.cityofevanston.org/government/city-council/1st-ward>
Bruce A. Lewis
Chief of Police and Senior Associate Vice President, Department of Safety & Security
847-491-4933
Eric Chin
Deputy Chief of Police
847-467-3064
Kenneth Jones
Commander of Police Services--Chicago
312-503-0371
Matt Wietbrock
Commander of Evanston Patrol Operations and Accreditation
847-467-7726
Latori Bartelle
Interim Commander of Investigative Services
847-467-5420
Jeff Burklin
Director of Security Systems & Technical Services
847-467-3205
Jill Johnson
Senior Director of Finance & Business Operations
847-467-3413
Merrill Silverman
Director of Transportation & Parking Services
847-467-5382
Chris Yohe
Director of Environmental Health & Safety
847-467-6342
Dave Young
Director of Behavioral Consultation Programs
847-467-2069
Joe Frascati
Emergency Preparedness Senior Manager
847-467-
From <https://www.northwestern.edu/up/about/contact/staff-directory.html>
BALewis@northwestern.edu
eric.chin@northwestern.edu
k-jones@northwestern.edu
matthew.wietbrock@northwestern.edu
l-bartelle@northwestern.edu
J-Burklin@northwestern.edu
jill.johnson@northwestern.edu
merrill.silverman@northwestern.edu
chris.yohe@northwestern.edu
dyoung@northwestern.edu
Joe@northwestern.edu
Serving the Campus Community
As our community returns to campus after years of pandemic challenges and the period of reflection inspired by the social justice movement, the Northwestern Police Department is evaluating the ways we can continue to serve our community with respect and effectiveness. Inspired by the work of the Campus Safety Advisory Board, we have made changes in several key areas and are working toward additional service enhancements, which are detailed on the Campus Safety & Wellness Committee website.
From <https://www.northwestern.edu/up/>
Bruce A. Lewis promoted to senior associate vice president
May 7, 2020
From <https://news.northwestern.edu/stories/2020/05/bruce-lewis/>
bruce A. Lewis, associate vice president of the Department of Safety & Security and chief of police of Northwestern University, has recently been promoted to senior associate vice president, Craig Johnson, senior vice president for business and finance, announced May 7.
Bruce A. Lewis
Lewis will continue to oversee and facilitate the University’s security and emergency operations and will continue to serve as chief of police.
In addition to his current portfolio of law enforcement services, emergency management and parking and transportation, Lewis also will now expand engagement with our affiliate healthcare providers in Chicago.
“Bruce’s leadership and steady hand have been integral to the enhanced safety of our campuses over the last 17 years,” said Johnson. “His expanded role reflects Northwestern’s broad reach across the Chicago area, and I am confident he will bring to these new responsibilities the same dedication to service and community engagement he has always shown.”
In 2003, Bruce Lewis joined Northwestern as chief of police and in 2008 was promoted to associate vice president. His recent achievements with his team include raising community awareness to respond to critical incidents with the production of the Run-Hide-Fight training video, developing a centralized security plan on the Chicago campus for the Simpson Querrey Biomedical Research Center in collaboration with Lurie Children’s Hospital and transitioning to the AlertNU emergency notification system.
He prioritized strengthening University Police’s partnerships through joint tactical response readiness training with Evanston and Chicago police and fire departments and collaboration with the City of Evanston to facilitate the City’s use of Northwestern’s emergency operations command center to coordinate responses to major events.
“I am honored to serve Northwestern in this expanded leadership role,” Lewis said, “and I am proud to work with the dedicated Safety and Security team. I look forward to building upon our successes as we strive for the highest standards of professionalism and service to create an even safer environment in which our University community can learn, work and live.”
Prior to Northwestern, Lewis served as the chief of police of the University of Illinois at Chicago and at universities in Ohio and Louisiana. Lewis earned a bachelor's degree in business administration from the University of Louisiana at Lafayette, and master's degrees in criminal justice from Grambling State University and in public administration from the University of Illinois at Chicago.
He is currently pursuing a doctorate at Case Western Reserve University’s Weatherhead School of Management and has completed executive education programs at Kellogg School of Management, Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, Northwestern's Center for Public Safety and the FBI's Law Enforcement Executive Development Scho
From <https://news.northwestern.edu/stories/2020/05/bruce-lewis/>
Eric.Reese@ic.fbi.gov;
Wheeler@ic.fbi.gov;
Indiana Univ (2024Feb): In support of Palestine (but anonymous due to Zionist threats of reprisal)
LETTER: An open letter from IU Academics for Justice in Palestine
IMAGE: Protestors hold signs opposing IU's cancelation of Palestinian artist Samia Halaby's exhibit during a demonstration Jan. 26, 2024, outside Bryan Hall. A silent demonstration in protest of IU's cancellation of the planned exhibition ended with chants outside the Office of the Provost and Executive Vice President.
Photo by Mia Hilkowitz / The Indiana Daily Student
Feb 8, 2024 9:00 am
Editor’s note: Indiana University Academics for Justice in Palestine is a member of the Faculty for Justice in Palestine Network. The names of the faculty who have signed have been kept anonymous due to concerns over job safety and censure.
We write to announce the formation of Indiana University Academics for Justice in Palestine, a collective of those who support the teaching mission of Indiana University, including faculty, lecturers, staff and graduate employees. We have constituted ourselves in solidarity with the ongoing and urgent struggles of Palestinians resisting occupation, warfare and displacement.
By organizing together we aim to speak and associate freely on matters related to Palestine, to support and amplify the work of student groups at IU, and to network in coalition with national and regional organizations committed to peace and justice in Palestine and Israel, in particular as a member of the new Faculty for Justice in Palestine network, which includes chapters at Harvard, the University of Michigan, NYU, Princeton, Penn and UCLA.
The urgency of organizing such a group comes from two directions.
On the one hand, Palestinians have endured over 75 years of dispossession and what Israeli historian Ilan Pappé calls "ethnic cleansing" at the hands of the Israeli state, leading mainstream human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch (in 2021) and Amnesty International (in 2022) to refer to Israel as an "apartheid" state.
Last November, UN experts already warned that the ongoing onslaught on Gaza constituted "genocide in the making." Two months later, with no letup to the aggression, the International Court of Justice, responding to South Africa's case charging Israel with violation of the Genocide Convention, has made provisional demands on Israel that, according to the Jerusalem Post, represent a "harsh diplomatic blow for Israel" and give South Africa's claim "tacit legitimacy."
To cite just two measures of the scale of the violence, in the space of four months and in an area smaller than Monroe County, a bombing campaign called “the most destructive of this century” has killed more children than were killed in all of the world's conflicts between 2020 and 2022. And by January 20 the bombings had also systematically destroyed all of Gaza's universities, killing 94 university professors, along with hundreds of teachers in the process.
At the same time, the longstanding U.S. military, economic and moral support for Israel remains firm, with 72% of the Senate on January 16 voting against a measure that would have the U.S. government simply investigate whether its aid to Israel is being used to carry out human rights abuses and with the Biden administration choosing to bypass congressional oversight in its weapons shipments.
We feel that this moment is comparable to others in history — the rise of German fascism in the 1930s, the debate over slavery in the U.S., the U.S. war in Vietnam — when people of good conscience must speak out, especially those of us affiliated with a university that touts its long-standing "commitment to global engagement."
On the other hand, just when the need to discuss what is unfolding in Palestine is greatest, what we are seeing on our campus is blatant attempts to prevent such discussion. By now, everyone should be aware of IU President Pamela Whitten's vacuous or one-sided statements, the attempt to prevent a prominent critic of Israel from speaking on campus, the suspension of one of our colleagues over a trumped-up minor technicality that is in violation of clear university and campus policies and the cancellation of an exhibit by a pro-Palestinian artist and IU alumna.
IU is in the national news — for example, in the New York Times, on Democracy Now and in the Chronicle of Higher Education — not for its academic achievements but for the silencing of voices calling for justice in Palestine, for an administration that might as well be working directly for the Israeli lobby.
While the IU administration is certainly out of touch with the faculty and students, its actions are consistent with efforts from outside the university to stifle debate, most often framed as attempts to identify or punish "antisemitism." The most blatant and outrageous of these was the well-publicized letter of Congressman Jim Banks sent to President Whitten. Banks, founder of the Congressional "anti-woke caucus," threatened loss of federal funding for "condon[ing] or tolerat[ing] campus antisemitism." Two bills before the Indiana General Assembly, H.B. 1002 and H.B. 1224, take a similar tack. And at the federal level, the House of Representatives continues to demand that universities survey and punish speech that centers justice for Palestinians.
Stifling criticism of Israel and deflecting attention from the campaign of genocide against the Palestinian people by conflating criticism of Israeli policies with antisemitism is an old tactic. In fact, as Judith Butler has argued, it is rather the attempt to "conflate Jews with Israel" that constitutes "an antisemitic reduction of Jewishness." IUAJP stands against racism and chauvinism in all their manifestations, including antisemitism and Islamophobia.
IUAJP's specific short-term goals include organizing opposition to H.B. 1002 in the Indiana Senate, support for the creation of an IU Muslim Cultural Center and inviting a prominent anti-Zionist academic such as Norman Finkelstein or Rashid Khalidi to IU as a Patten Lecturer.
More generally, we call on all IU faculty to uphold academic responsibility in their actions and decisions. We call on this administration and the Board of Trustees to uphold the principles of shared governance and academic freedom for all in our community. In the absence of institutional support, we will work to ensure the safety of all members of our campus community who stand in solidarity with movements for Palestinian justice. We will advocate for colleagues who fear discriminatory actions when they exercise their right to open expression as they speak for justice in Palestine. In doing so and in alliance with other groups that share our principles, we will renew our community and strengthen our commitment to the exchange of ideas and scholarship, which we understand to be the foundation of IU, and to the maintenance of the intellectually rich and diverse international community, which we take to be one of IU's most powerful legacies.
To contact IUAJP, email us at iuajp@proton.me.
This letter has been signed by 20 members of the IU faculty.
Indiana University (2024) Example from AMCHA Database
AMCHA Database of Antisemitism Claims:
Indiana University Bloomington 02/08/2024
IU Academics for Justice in Palestine published an "open letter" in the Indiana Daily Student which demonized Israel, stating, in part, "Stifling criticism of Israel and deflecting attention from the campaign of genocide against the Palestinian people by conflating criticism of Israeli policies with antisemitism is an old tactic. In fact, as Judith Butler has argued, it is rather the attempt to "conflate Jews with Israel" that constitutes "an antisemitic reduction of Jewishness." [1]
Category: ANTISEMITIC EXPRESSION
Classification: DEMONIZATION
To contact IUAJP, email us at iuajp@proton.me.
UCLA
UCLA (post: Reporting Facts is called "anti-semitic." Cost of Hillel's Propaganda for Fascist Israeli Regime
Contents:
2024Feb13- Letter to the Editor: Letters criticizing antisemitic undertones should not be written by non-Jewish individuals
2024Feb06- Letter to the Editor: Labeling informational journalism antisemitic harms public discourse, free speech
2024Jan29-Letter to the Editor: Front-page story on Bruins for Israel rally perpetuates antisemitic stereotypes
2024jan16 Documents reveal details behind planning process of Bruins for Israel rally
2024Feb13- Letter to the Editor: Letters criticizing antisemitic undertones should not be written by non-Jewish individuals
By Bella Brannon Opinion Daily Bruin
Feb. 13, 2024 12:33 a.m.
Dear Editor:
I was disheartened to read Tajvir Singh’s recent letter criticizing a previous letter that brought attention to the antisemitic undertones of a Jan. 16 article by the Daily Bruin titled “Documents reveal details behind planning process of Bruins for Israel rally.”
Let’s be clear: Only Jewish people can authentically define what is and isn’t antisemitic.
The Daily Bruin’s Jan. 16 article searches for a scandal that does not exist by making skin-deep claims about the policies one of the largest Jewish groups on campus. Although the piece focused on Jewish groups – including Hillel at UCLA and Bruins for Israel – the Daily Bruin opted to include the voices of non-Jewish students, allowing them to speak on behalf of a community they are not part of.
True investigative journalism is led by evidence, not agenda.
To solely investigate economic conspiracies against Jewish groups is, at best, prejudice against Jewish groups and, at worst, a callback to ancient antisemitic tropes about Jews and money that have propelled violence against Jewish people for centuries. Instead of addressing these criticisms, Singh dismisses the valid qualms of the author of the letter and creates a false boogeyman of censorship.
If a student told another minority group that their experiences were not valid, people would be rightfully up in arms. Only Black people get to define anti-Black racism. Only queer people get to define homophobia. Why are we allowing a non-Jewish student to demean the experiences of the Jewish community? That approach is certainly not in favor of an “exchange of ideas on all issues.”
Further, Singh claims that expressing legitimate concerns about journalism stifles free speech. On the contrary, dismissing someone’s free speech in the name of free speech is what truly stifles freedom of expression. Criticism, scrutiny and listening to the first-hand experiences of communities are essential components of healthy discourse. Expressing concerns about journalistic integrity isn’t censorship but an attempt to uphold principles of transparency and honor.
Free speech does not mean freedom from accountability.
Sincerely,
Bella Brannon
Bella Brannon is a third-year public affairs student and editor-in-chief of Ha’AM, UCLA’s Jewish Student Magazine.
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2024Feb06- Letter to the Editor: Labeling informational journalism antisemitic harms public discourse, free speech
Dear Editor:
I wish to point out the issues in promoting the recent letter responding to the Daily Bruin’s article about the Bruins for Israel rally. In the letter, Paula Tavrow believes the importance of the event and its planning is overstated, and that the Daily Bruin’s headline promotes antisemitic tropes.
Firstly, it is important to acknowledge that the planning and execution of a significant campus event like the Bruins for Israel rally are of legitimate interest to the student body. With a substantial turnout, notable speakers and a campus-wide march, the event drew considerable attention. Therefore, a detailed examination of its planning, including the associated costs, is reasonable journalism. The article includes insights from Dan Gold, executive director of Hillel at UCLA, providing context for the expenditures and offering organizers an opportunity to explain their budget.
As for the accusation of antisemitism, it’s essential to emphasize that attributing malicious intent to a publication without concrete evidence is poisonous to public discourse. Upholding the principles of free speech is crucial on a university campus, where diverse perspectives should be encouraged. Accusing the Daily Bruin of forwarding antisemitic tropes based on the article’s prominence and subheadline is not warranted. Such accusations legitimize censorship of opinions contrary to the pro-Israel narrative. If the article is considered antisemitic, then it gives a justification to powerful entities and organizations to label any amount of pro-Palestinian and anti-Zionist speech as such.
Secondly, it chills speech and deters those from voicing opinions that may run contrary to the pro-Israel narrative. Individuals may express concern from voicing their own opinions out of fear of institutional backlash and being labeled an anti-Semite. This applies to speech everywhere – clubs, campus and even between friends.
Upholding the principles of free speech and fostering diverse perspectives should be paramount on a university campus. Labeling an article as antisemitic stifles open discourse and deters individuals from expressing their views. To maintain our values of free speech, we must reject this approach in favor of open dialogue and an exchange of ideas on all issues.
Sincerely,
Tajvir Singh
Tajvir Singh is a third-year political science student.
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2024Jan29-Letter to the Editor: Front-page story on Bruins for Israel rally perpetuates antisemitic stereotypes
Jan. 29, 2024 | Daily Bruin Opinion
Dear Editor:
I am concerned that your front-page article published on Jan. 16, “Documents reveal details behind planning process of Bruins for Israel rally,” subtly perpetuates antisemitic tropes.
First, the article is placed on the front page as the banner headline, which suggests that it has major importance, while in reality it is just a banal accounting of the costs of holding a rally that required security.
Second, the headline suggests that shady details have now been revealed, which plays into the idea that Jews are secretive plotters.
Third, the subheadline states that “thousands” were spent on this rally, which implies that Jews are ultra-rich and are using their money to flood UCLA with pro-Israel propaganda.
One has to read beyond the headlines – which most will not do – to find out that the rally organizers spent $1,775 on renting chairs, tables and place settings to symbolize the hostages who were taken to Gaza by Hamas. Yes, it is a lot of money for catering supplies, but a lot of hostages were taken on Oct. 7.
Another $1,400 was spent on security, because sadly the rally organizers were worried that their peaceful protestors might be attacked, so they wanted to deter any attempts by having a visible security presence.
That leaves about $470 for everything else, including banners, flags, posters and the like.
Is this really a front-page story?
I hope that the editors will be more vigilant in the future of not engaging in this type of baiting journalism.
Sincerely,
Paula Tavrow, Ph.D. ptavrow@ucla.edu
Paula Tavrow is an adjunct professor in the Community Health Sciences Department at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health.
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2024jan16 Documents reveal details behind planning process of Bruins for Israel rally
The Hillel at UCLA building is pictured. Hillel is a campus organization that organizes and funds events aimed for Jewish students. (Daily Bruin file photo)
Jan. 16, 2024 | Daily Bruin
Documents received by the Daily Bruin revealed the details behind the planning of a recent rally hosted by Bruins for Israel.
According to documents obtained through a public records request, a Bruins for Israel event hosted Nov. 7 cost a total of $3,584.67 to organize. This included $1,775 spent on rented tables and chairs for a display symbolizing Israelis who would be missing Shabbat dinners after being kidnapped by Palestinian militant group and political party Hamas. The event included live speakers, prayers, chanting and a march around the UCLA campus.
[Related: Jewish organizations at UCLA host rally to call for release of Israeli hostages]
Dan Gold, the executive director of Hillel at UCLA, said some of the money was managed through his organization, since Bruins for Israel is a subgroup of Hillel at UCLA. He added that Hillel’s subgroups must align with the organization’s core values and mission.
“Any group can try to be a part of Hillel from an administrative standpoint, as long as the mission of that group is Israel having a right to exist as a homeland for the Jewish people,” Gold said.
Gold also said Hillel individuals who advocated against Israel’s existence as a Jewish homeland would be asked to stop affiliating with Hillel.
Hillel at UCLA is a nonprofit organization, relying on donations from the public without university funding, Gold said, adding that fundraising efforts have increased since Oct. 7 – particularly to fund security for its programs.
The documents The Bruin obtained revealed that BFI spent $1,339.67 on three security guards for the event, organized through the UCLA Events Office. Gold said spending money on security is important because of antisemitic threats in other parts of Los Angeles against Jewish centers and communities.
“Security is a massive concern for our community,” he said. “We’ve had to independently fund all the security for our organization. We’ve had to increase security twofold since Oct. 7.”
Although UCPD was notified about the rally, it did not respond to requests for comment about its role in providing security. A Bruins for Israel spokesperson also said in an emailed statement that the rally’s organizers did not have direct contact with UCPD ahead of the event.
However, Gold said UCPD has helped secure its venues for other off-campus events.
“UCPD has kept an open line of communication. They’ve come by our building during peak times,” he said. “They’ve been very supportive.”
Gold said the security measures were important because of recently reported antisemitism on campus.
[Related: Jewish students express concern over antisemitism on UCLA campus]
In an email sent to UCLA Academic Senate Chair Andrea Kasko, Lauri Mattenson [mattenson@humnet.ucla.edu], a lecturer for UCLA’s writing programs, said she wanted guidance on dealing with an email from Students for Justice in Palestine at UCLA asking her to cancel class during a rally it was holding Oct. 25. [perhaps ask Israel to reschedule genocide on a more convenient date for your writing program]
“I find it inappropriate for students to email faculty in this way,” she said in the email. “As someone who knows many Jewish students at UCLA who are afraid to be here at the moment, I am writing to ask for your guidance about how to deal with this message.”
Mattenson did not respond to requests for comment.
Gold said hate has affected some of UCLA’s faculty, an issue that Hillel branches across American universities have been tracking.
“In some cases, faculty are experiencing anti-Jewish hate from their fellow faculty and sometimes are facing it from their students,” he said. “The situation with Lauri, unfortunately, was not uncommon (and) was not the only situation I was made aware of.”
In a written statement, Mohammad, a spokesperson for SJP at UCLA who was granted partial anonymity for safety reasons, said the email was sent to all faculty members whose classes coincided with a walk-out event and national call for action.
Ricardo Vazquez, a UCLA spokesperson, said faculty members concerned about an imminent threat should report the concern to UCPD, adding that they can report to other resources, such as the Staff Diversity & Equal Employment Opportunity Compliance Office and the Discrimination Prevention Office.
Gold also said he thought some Instagram stories posted by student leaders, including the Cultural Affairs Commission of the Undergraduate Students Association Council, were antisemitic. The examples he flagged included a repost by Cultural Affairs Commissioner Alicia Verdugo of an article that claimed Israeli soldiers killed Israeli civilians at the Nova music festival, as well as a repost by the CAC of accusations that Israel has harvested organs in the Gaza Strip.
Another post the commission shared on its Instagram story told individuals that students supporting Israel were putting razors in poster papers intending to harm counterprotesters who tried to tear them down. Gold said he thought these claims were false and antisemitic.
CAC did not respond to requests for comment.
Gold said he encouraged all students to report any incidents of antisemitism to the Office of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion.
The documents The Bruin obtained also showed there were plans for the Israeli consul general in LA to speak at the rally Nov. 7, which Gold said did not materialize for security reasons.
However, Gold said even though the Israeli consulate general does donate to Hillel at UCLA, it does not influence the center’s programming. He added in a text message sent after the interview that the local Israeli consulate’s contribution to Hillel at UCLA is less than 1% of Hillel’s annual operating budget.
“We have zero formal relationship or connection to the Israeli consulate,” he said. “Students and student groups sometimes get microdonations from the consul general’s office.”
A Bruins for Israel spokesperson said in an emailed statement that they have not applied for or received direct funding from the Israeli consulate.
Mike Cohn, who is the BFI SOLE advisor, also said in an email sent to Bruins for Israel on Nov. 6 that he would directly lead the march.
“Let the students know I will lead the march with them,” he said in the email. “You have done a terrific job with all of the planning!”
Although the Daily Bruin requested an interview with Cohn, Vazquez could not arrange it in time. However, Vazquez said in an emailed statement that Cohn meant that, if the event included a march, he would suggest the best route for those participating. Vazquez added that it is normal for Student Affairs staff to walk at the front, middle and back of a march to promote safety.
The Bruins for Israel spokesperson said in the emailed statement that the planned events aim to make their community’s voice feel heard.
“Bruins for Israel plans events that are important to the students in our community,” they said in the statement. “Our main priorities are ensuring our students feel safe and heard; therefore, our events are always planned with those two points in mind.”
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2023Nov7- Jewish organizations at UCLA host rally to call for release of Israeli hostages
People gathering in Wilson Plaza to show support for Israel are pictured. The rally, which was co-hosted by UCLA organizations and the Consulate General of Israel in Los Angeles, featured singing, prayers and speeches. (Joseph Jimenez/Photo editor)
Nov. 7, 2023 8:44 p.m.
This post was updated Nov. 7 at 11:12 p.m.
Around 200 people gathered in Wilson Plaza on Tuesday to call for the release of Israeli hostages taken by Hamas exactly one month ago.
The event, which began at noon, was hosted by Bruins for Israel and Hillel at UCLA along with the Consulate General of Israel in Los Angeles and several other organizations. It featured speakers, prayers led by rabbis, the singing of Israel’s national anthem, a march around campus back to Wilson Plaza and chants such as “Bring, bring our people back.”
According to the Associated Press, on Oct. 7, militant group and Palestinian political party Hamas attacked and took hostages from Israeli villages, continuing attacks on the region since then. In response, Israeli bombings and airstrikes, including a series of attacks on apartments in a Gaza refugee camp Oct. 31, as well as a ground invasion have killed thousands of Palestinian civilians, according to AP.
Fewer than 10 counterprotesters attended the event and shouted “Free Palestine.” Members of UCLA’s student affairs team attempted to separate protesters and counterprotesters.
Gabby, an organizer of the rally who was granted partial anonymity for safety reasons, said the rally was held to raise awareness about hostages taken by Hamas in the Oct. 7 attack. She added that she felt it was important to share Israeli perspectives because multiple groups supporting Palestine have hosted rallies and protests in recent weeks.
[Related: Hundreds of UCLA students participate in march, walkout for Palestine]
Protest organizers also placed strollers and children’s shoes in Meyerhoff Park alongside posters with the faces and names of Israelis taken hostage. A Shabbat table with empty chairs was also set up in Wilson Plaza to represent those who will miss Shabbat dinners.
Gabby also said she has heard students expressing fears about antisemitism on campus.
“So many students expressed to me that they’ve been feeling scared to walk on campus, so to see their bravery to come out here today and show that they stand in solidarity with the hostages that have been taken really meant a lot to me,” she said.
Natalie Masachi, the president of Students Supporting Israel at UCLA, said in a speech that she encourages attendees to think of Israelis who have died and pray for the return of hostages.
Bella Brannon, student president of Hillel at UCLA, said in a speech that she wants people to support anyone facing violence because of this conflict but added that she thinks some students’ actions seem to be endorsing terrorism. Brannon, a third-year public affairs student – who is also the editor in chief of Ha’Am, another UCLA Student Media publication – said she feels students and professors have equated what she believes is terrorism with Palestinian liberation.
Masachi, a third-year English student, also said that she thinks some events on campus supporting Palestine have been in support of violence that has occurred.
“I am here to call to action,” Masachi said. “We have to direct condemnation of the support for pro-terror and stand by the Jewish students on campus.”
While people are still hurting after the Oct. 7 attacks, some Jewish community members have also come together to pray and hope for the return of hostages, said Carly Sheinfeld, a member of the student board of Chabad at UCLA.
“That is why we fight for Israel, not only because we have nowhere else to go, but because we have no one else to be,” Sheinfeld said.
Mayim Bialik, a UCLA alumnus and actress, said in a speech at the rally that she encountered anti-Zionism while a student at UCLA, adding that she feels students today have a responsibility to advocate for the Israeli hostages.
Bialik, who starred on the television show “The Big Bang Theory,” also called upon students to mourn for both Israeli and Palestinian lives lost rather than engaging in political debate as others might.
“They use the competition of suffering to abdicate the responsibility to have a heart big enough to hold the suffering of the Palestinian people as well as the suffering of the Jewish people,” she said.
California State Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur, whose district includes Westwood and UCLA, said in a speech that he is actively providing support for the Jewish community in his district. He added that attending the rally was particularly important to him because his district, District 51, has one of the highest populations of Jewish people in any California assembly district.
Zbur also expressed disappointment in some of the slogans chanted at events on campus that have supported Palestine.
He added in his speech that the Jewish Caucus of the California legislature sent a letter to UC President Michael Drake to argue for more to be done on campuses to protect Jewish students. The letter was also sent to California State University Chancellor Mildred García.
The UC Office of the President did not respond in time to a request for comment.
Shana Adelpour, a fourth-year sociology student, said she attended the event because she believes Israel has a right to defend itself. She added that right before she came to the event, she saw someone tear down one of the signs around campus showing the hostages held by Hamas.
“Who I talk to nowadays, it’s very limited,” Adelpour said. “I’m just scared I’m going to get screamed at.”
Nicole Morovati, a third-year sociology student, said she attended the rally to stand in solidarity with members of her community and to bring awareness to current events in Israel. She added that she feels that this support is important because she thinks there has been a rise in antisemitism at colleges, including UCLA.
“I think showing support and being there for the Jewish community, and for Jewish students during this difficult time, is really important,” she said.
Bialik said in her speech that while the rally called for the return of hostages, it also displayed unity among the Jewish community.
“We are showing the UCLA community that the Jewish spirit is one that will continue to seek justice and pursue it for our people – for all people – because our hearts are big enough,” Bialik said.
UCLA: AMCHA says "No to Academic Freedom" & No to Diversity due to Israeli policies being criticized.
AMCHA’s Beckwith’s Makes the Nazi Argument for being Neutral on Nazi-Zionism
One side fits all - Los Angeles Times
By Leila Beckwith
Aug. 28, 2005 | latimes.com
Leila Beckwith is professor emeritus of pediatrics at UCLA.
MOST CALIFORNIANS, including most University of California professors, think that they know the meaning of the term “academic freedom.” They assume it’s the equivalent of free speech and therefore that it is bestowed on faculty by the 1st Amendment to the Constitution. Because they conflate academic freedom and free expression, they assume that academic freedom is immutable and eternal and exists without responsibilities.
ARGUMENT: Academics conflate academic freedom and free expression. Academic “freedom” is Our Zionist Freedom to decide what you get to think, say, present to students, and investigate as a researcher and academic.
These misconceptions lead smart people to conclude that any changes to current academic freedom rules, including a pending amendment to the California Education Code proposed by state Sen. Bill Morrow (R-Oceanside), sully the ivory towers of academia with politics and thought suppression.
In truth, political agitators accomplished that corruption of higher education in 2003 when they succeeded in changing the University of California Academic Freedom rules that had stood since 1934.
From 1934 to 2003, UC regulations defined academic freedom this way: “The function of the university is to seek and transmit knowledge and to train students in the processes whereby truth is to be made known. To convert, or make converts, is alien and hostile to this dispassionate duty. Where it becomes necessary, in performing this function of a university, to consider political, social or sectarian movements, they are dissected and examined, not taught, and the conclusion left, with no tipping of the scales, to the logic of the facts.”
Those statements subjugated faculty members’ academic freedoms to a student’s right to pursue knowledge. Scholarship and teaching were to be concerned with the logic of the facts. Academic freedom was not the same as 1st Amendment rights.
Yet, in 2002, the University of California, in an egregious act of irresponsibility, backed away from these rules after a UC Berkeley graduate student taught a remedial reading and writing course titled “The Politics and Poetics of Palestinian Resistance.” By all accounts, including the instructor’s, the course was strongly committed to the Palestinian perspective in the conflict with Israel and taught without any obligation to present alternative views or inconvenient facts. The original course description went so far as to encourage conservative thinkers to seek other classes.
Though the school rewrote that description, then-President Richard Atkinson also began the process of gutting its academic freedom rules, and, by 2003, the university had eliminated the statements quoted above from its regulations and removed any obligation for professors and instructors to aspire to maintain political neutrality in their courses or even inform students that other viewpoints exist. [NEUTRALITY MEANS BEING ANTI-AMERICA, PRO-ZIONIST]
Political ideologues had won a major victory. They revealed to Californians what should have been obvious to everyone: Colleges and universities nationwide have their own definitions of and rules for academic freedom, and those can be modified to advance or impede the academic pursuit of truth and knowledge.
For Diversity–Nah, Not Really–Diversity means Acceptance of Zionist BS
Submission: Faculty should consider pros, cons ahead of diversity requirement vote
Feb. 25, 2015 | Daily Bruin
The original version of this article contained multiple errors and has been changed. See the bottom of the article for more information.
In multiple previous advisory votes, the UCLA College of Letters and Sciences faculty defeated proposed diversity requirements, including a decisive rejection two years ago. This past October, 24 percent of the College faculty voted “yes” and 22 percent voted “no.” This weakness of support for the requirement is striking because the entire discussion leading up to the vote was one-sided. The Committee on Rules and Jurisdiction criticized the official omission of any pro and con arguments on the October ballot. A full and fair informed faculty vote – following clear Senate rules – is the only way to know if there is an unambiguous mandate for the largest redirection of our curricular requirements and teaching resources in many decades.
Requirement advocates have worked very hard to prevent a Senate vote. Their assertion of “curricular autonomy” – that faculty outside of the College should be excluded from decision-making which primarily concerns undergraduates – is misleading. The issue is campus-wide. The main motivation given for the diversity requirement is “improving the campus climate.” However, as evidenced by the Moreno report, most of the racial incidents that revived the push for a diversity requirement were not caused by undergraduates.
The rules are clear: the Senate alone exercises ultimate authority over the most important academic decisions at UCLA, specifically including graduation requirements. When the Legislative Assembly and the Undergraduate Council, with membership across the College and professional schools, voted on this requirement, no questions were raised concerning their undermining of College “autonomy.”
Requirement advocates argued that the Senate ladder faculty should delegate this major decision to the hundred representatives who participated in the Legislative Assembly meeting in November. But in this important matter, we do not know whether they, or the 29 “yes” vote plurality in the College, accurately reflected the will of the remaining 2300 Senate faculty members who have not yet been allowed to vote. It is now time to find out. We urge all faculty to consider the arguments on both sides of this requirement and to exercise their right to vote. The official diversity requirement website, which includes roughly 10 pages of pro arguments, is currently: https://ccle.ucla.edu/course/view/college-diversity-initiative.
For the other side of the issue, the unofficial website: www.realdiversity.org will present con perspectives on the diversity requirement.
Thank you for your consideration.
Professors David Aboody, William Allen, Leila Beckwith, David Bensimon, Dean Bok, Louis Bouchard, Herbert Davidson, Kym Faull, Peter Felker, Eric Gans, Walter Gekelman, Brad Hansen, Gary Hansen, Jascha Kessler, Carla Koehler, Gail Lenhoff, Daniel Lowenstein, Matthew Malkan, Joseph Manson, George Morales, Daniel Neuhauser, Steven Nusinowitz, Lee Ohanian, Judea Pearl, Claudio Pellegrini, Seth Putterman, David Rapoport, Benjamin Schwartz, Thomas Schwartz, Marc Trachtenberg, Stanley Trimble, Ronald Vroon, Romain Wacziarg, Shimon Weiss, Willima Zame, Benjamin Zuckerman [notably very Jewish]
Correction: Because of an editing error on the part of The Bruin, a sentence was included about the vote website having seven pro arguments and one con argument that was not intended by the authors. In addition, there was a 29 “yes” vote plurality in the College, not a 24 percent “yes” vote plurality.
Top Five Arguments
Source realdiversity via wayback machine
A response to popular arguments made in favor of the requirement:
1. “We need to respond to the Moreno Report” —True, but not relevant. The UCLA External Review investigating bias and discrimination on campus—the widely discussed Moreno Report—made many recommendations. The University has moved rapidly to adopt all of them. However, anyone who actually reads the Moreno Report will find that the entire 34-page report does not contain a single word about the curriculum, and certainly not about any Diversity Requirement. The known perpetrators of the more egregious offenses it considered were mainly staff and faculty.
2. “We need to reduce possible anti-semitism at UCLA”—This disingenuous argument is nearly backwards. The one widely publicized incident of anti-semitism by undergraduates occurred at a recent student government meeting. Since the members of USAC are fervent supporters of the Diversity Requirement, they have inadvertently demonstrated that Diversity courses do not work as advertised. Indeed, Jewish students are NOT asking for a Diversity Requirement, because they know it will not reduce anti-semitism.
3. “A NO Vote would send an unwelcome message”—Misguided. We all want an inclusive campus which encourages the open discussion of diverse perspectives–there is no dispute on that. But since this is not primarily an academic goal, some students may not be enthusiastic about being drafted to serve as symbols of our goodwill. Compulsory interference with their already complicated curricular decisions is the wrong way to send a message to others, and could produce more harm than good.
4. “Many other Universities have Diversity Requirements”—Completely False. 80% of the leading colleges in the country do NOT have a Diversity Requirement. (For the full list, see realdiversity.org )
5. “The Senate (full Faculty) should not be voting on this Requirement”—Incorrect as a matter of rules, as well as practical reality.
The Requirement advocates have a very limited use for democracy. They ignore multiple previous advisory votes of the College faculty which soundly defeated proposed diversity Requirements, including a decisive rejection 2 years ago.
In October, the College was essentially deadlocked on this, with 24% of its faculty voting Yes and 22% voting No. This was in spite of the fact that the entire discussion leading up to the vote was one-sided. Contrary to the Senate rules, the October ballot was accompanied only by “Pro” arguments. The Committee on Rules and Jurisdiction criticized the deliberate omission of any “Con” arguments; there was virtually no official way to even find out that any had been made.
Requirement advocates have worked very hard to prevent a Senate vote. Their assertion of “curricular autonomy”—that faculty outside of the College should be excluded from decision-making which primarily concerns undergraduates, is misleading. The main motivation given for the Diversity Requirement –“improving the campus climate”—is by definition a campus-wide issue, that calls for a campus-wide decision. The racial incidents that revived the push for a Diversity Requirement were not caused by undergraduates.
The rules are clear: the Senate alone exercises ultimate authority over the most important academic decisions at UCLA, specifically including graduation requirements. When the Legislative Assembly and the Undergraduate Council, with membership across the College and the Professional Schools, voted on this Requirement, no questions were raised concerning their undermining of College “autonomy”.
Requirement advocates argued that the Senate ladder faculty should delegate this major decision to the hundred representatives who participated in the Legislative Assembly meeting in November. But in this important matter, we do not know whether they (or the 29 ‘Yes’ vote plurality in the College) accurately reflected the will of the remaining 2300 Senate faculty members who have not yet been allowed to vote. It is now time to find out.
https://web.archive.org/web/20160109162732/http://realdiversity.org/
UCLA: AMCHA says "No to Middle East Studies" when Israeli policies criticized.
AMCHA Leila Beckwith Zionist Bombs Arabs at UCLA
In a nutshell
Beckwith’s RANT DEPLOYING THE BOGUS International Huckster Racketeering Alliance Definition of Anti-semitism, which Defines Any and All Criticism of Israel as Anti-Semitic
Submission: UCLA center violating law with anti-Israel bias
Beckwith’s RANT DEPLOYING THE BOGUS International Huckster Racketeering Alliance Definition of Anti-semitism, which Defines Any and All Criticism of Israel as Anti-Semitic
The Middle East is crucial to our national security interests, but it is imploding in internal turmoil and murderous inter-ethnic and inter-religious warfare. It is replete with failed states and barbarism. There are millions of displaced persons and hundreds of thousands of deaths.
The United States’ efforts, the expenditure of our resources and the lives of our soldiers in Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan have failed to bring stability, democracy or human rights. [thank you Ms. NeoCon with your outdated 2003 nonsense]
Our policies are in disarray.
Yet, since at least 1965, the federal government, under the Higher Education Act, has given millions of dollars to American universities in order to secure accurate and deeply informed knowledge and understanding of international studies, including the Middle East, its ideologies, political movements and economic pressures.
The UCLA Center for Near Eastern Studies, designated by the federal government as a National Resource Center of Excellence, is one of the 129 international and foreign language centers receiving federal funding. The center received more than $1,300,000 from the Department of Education under Title VI of the Higher Education Act between 2010 and 2013. Part of that funding was to inform the public about the Middle East, and as Congress directed, to do so in a way that would be balanced and unbiased. As the law states, activities funded by Title VI grants would “reflect diverse perspectives and a wide range of views.”
However, a study just released by the AMCHA Initiative – “Antisemitic Activity and Anti-Israel Bias at the Center for Near East Studies, University of California at Los Angeles, 2010-2013” – indicates that CNES violated the law’s requirement to be unbiased and instead promoted anti-Semitic discourse and anti-Israel bias.
In the study, all public events that were recorded on audiotape or videotaped occurring during 2010-2013, sponsored or co-sponsored by CNES, pertaining to Israel or the Arab-Israel wars, were analyzed for anti-Semitic discourse and anti-Israel bias using a definition of anti-Semitic activity derived from the U.S. State Department [BINGO–THE IHRA BULLSHIT DEFINITION ADOPTED BY TRUMP & NOW DISGARDED], as well as a definition of bias as pervasive criticism of Israeli government policies, society and/or people.
Despite the perfect storm of historical changes occurring in the Middle East – the Arab Spring leading to the Arab Winter, the Egyptian uprisings, Syria’s civil war, the Libyan government dissolution – CNES showed a disproportionate, excessive focus on Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Of the Middle Eastern countries considered by CNES, more than 1/4 of the public events were devoted to Israel. Of all the Middle East political conflicts, a majority of events – 61 percent – focused only on the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Moreover, 93 percent of the events discussing Israel showed anti-Israel bias. A large majority, 75 percent, included anti-Semitic content. The discourse demonized and delegitimized Israel, with a significant minority condoning terrorism against Israeli civilians, as well as promoting boycott and divestment efforts.
The bias is not surprising, as all three CNES directors had publicly expressed support for boycott, divestment or sanctions against Israel, including calling for the boycott of Israeli academic institutions. Such a boycott could constitute a violation of the requirement of CNES as a National Resource Center to maintain linkages with institutions of higher education in the Middle East.
In addition, all three directors, despite directing a program that is intended to encourage study abroad in countries in the Middle East, have publicly opposed the University of California Education Abroad Program in Israel, on the highly dubious grounds that Israel discriminates against Palestinians and deprives Palestinians of the “right to education.”
Although millions of tax dollars under Title VI of the Higher Education Act have been accepted by UCLA, the troubling anti-Israel bias of CNES has distorted its scholarly and educational mission, and has violated its federal funding requirements. By engaging in an obsessive focus on the one stable nation that has established civil rights for its ethnic, religious and gender minorities, CNES failed to analyze and predict the disturbances and chaos in the Middle East. Misled by personal political biases of the directors and other faculty, CNES has failed in its mission to understand and inform the public about this turbulent area that continues to be a crucial threat to the security of the U.S.
As a citizen, taxpayer, professor emeritus of UCLA and faculty member for more than 30 years, I am outraged.
Beckwith is a professor emeritus and the co-founder of the AMCHA Initiative, a nonprofit organization that combats anti-Semitism on college campuses across the United States.
Pro-[NAZI-fascist AMCHA]-Israel group claims bias in UCLA department
Sept. 28, 2014 | Daily Bruin
A Jewish advocacy group based in California is alleging that some UCLA professors and a research center operate with an anti-Israel, and possibly anti-Semitic, bias. Professors named by the group, however, say the group is conflating the criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism.
On Sept. 17, the AMCHA Initiative, which regularly investigates the University of California for perceived anti-Semitic behaviors, released a report claiming that the UCLA Center for Near Eastern Studies demonstrates an anti-Israel bias in the events it holds and the speakers it hosts.
The report claims that 93 percent of Israel-related events the center held between 2010 and 2013 had an anti-Israel bias. It also alleges that the center focuses too much on Israel in its programming, with 61 percent of events focused on the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Following the report, nine pro-Israel groups, including Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, the American Association of Jewish Lawyers and Jurists and the Zionist Organization of America, signed a petition calling for Congress to investigate the matter.
The petition says the center is violating Title VI of the Higher Education Opportunity Act, which calls for federally funded institutions to reflect diverse perspectives in their programming. The center has received about $1.5 million from the Department of Education under Title VI from 2010 to 2013, according to documents the AMCHA Initiative acquired through the Freedom of Information Act. The U.S. Department of Education could not be reached for comment for this article.
On Sept. 3, the AMCHA Initiative also released a list of professors it believes have an anti-Israel bias and claims are possibly anti-Semitic. Among the 218 professors on the list are six UCLA professors.
In response, UCLA released a statement saying it is dedicated to complying with federal laws and respecting the free and open exchange of ideas.
The university also said that speeches and events from Israeli or pro-Israel individuals are part of the university’s regular programming, pointing to centers such as the Younes and Soraya Nazarian Center for Israel Studies.
Leila Beckwith, co-founder of the Initiative and a professor emeritus of pediatrics at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA, said the initiative is trying to protect Jewish and pro-Israel students from being ostracized. Beckwith said professors who signed a widespread petition in support of the global Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign against Israel were included on the list.
To Beckwith, signing the petition may make professors anti-Israel, but it does not make them anti-Semitic. She said those who sign the petition are ostracizing Israeli faculty and universities, but there is an important distinction between anti-Semitism and criticism of Israeli policies.
“We don’t know if professors are showing bias in the classroom,” she said. “We are saying that it is likely that these faculty, given their own statement, will not present an objective, fair picture of Israel in their classrooms.”
But some of the professors accused of having an anti-Israel bias or conducting anti-Israel activities said they think AMCHA’s actions infringe on their rights to free speech. They said they think they are speaking realistically about the conflict and that AMCHA is trying to suppress viewpoints that differ from the initiative’s goals.
Gabriel Piterberg, director of the UCLA Center for Near Eastern Studies who is also on the initiative’s list, said he thinks the report against the center ignores the reality of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
“The reality is unbalanced,” Piterberg said. “It’s the reality that there is an asymmetry of power … reflected in the (center’s) programming.”
Piterberg said the center hosts numerous events about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because of the conflict’s constant presence in current affairs and the high interest it generates among scholars and students.
Aamir Mufti, an associate professor of comparative literature at UCLA, also listed, said he signed the BDS petition as an individual and has not imposed his political stance on students.
“If you are even a reasonably good teacher, you make an effort to … set a discussion so people from opposing views can speak up their voices,” he said. “(People supporting the initiative) don’t frankly seem to understand the difference between the role of a person as a private citizen and a faculty member.”
Arielle Yael, director of public relations for Bruins for Israel, said she thinks the list provides students with critical information.
“I want to be taught by a professor who seeks to empower me, not a professor who seeks to pull me onto his anti-Israel bandwagon,” Yael said.
But other students said they think that the list is not helpful, and instead harms free speech on campus.
Omar Zahzah, a graduate student in comparative literature and the president of Students for Justice in Palestine at UCLA, said in an email that he thinks AMCHA is an extremist group and that it is trying to silence pro-Palestinian individuals.
“The initiative is an extremist group dedicated to undermining academic freedom,” Zahzah said.
For now, the Center for Near Eastern Studies does not plan to change any of its programming, and Congress has not yet responded to AMCHA’s petition.
https://dailybruin.com/2014/09/28/pro-israel-group-claims-bias-in-ucla-department
Letters to the Editor
By Daily Bruin Staff
Nov. 20, 2006 9:00 p.m.
Anti-Semitism not new on UCLA campus
In our time at UCLA, Holocaust revisionists, raving xenophobic fanatics and other propagators of anti-Semitic hate have been invited to speak on campus.
We have watched students say “the Jews are the criminals” at a Meyerhoff Park rally for immigrant rights, an issue for which the Jewish community consistently shows strong support.
We have witnessed Jewish student leaders caricatured as Nazis on Bruin Walk and seen swastikas and words of hate scrawled across the doors of our apartments, our dorm rooms and UCLA’s Jewish co-op.
While we support Professor Emeritus Leila Beckwith’s stance against anti-Semitic hate on campus (“Don’t ignore hate crimes,” Nov. 15), sensationalizing these incidents risks aggravating the problem.
In confronting the gross misconceptions that cause anti-Semitism, our community stands committed to open dialogue and honest engagement.
Andy Green
Chairman, ASUCLA board of directors
Joseph Miskabi
President, Hillel at UCLA
Jenn Lorch
President, Jewish Student Union
Dalia Eliav
President, Persian-American Jewish Organization
Noah Saeedy
Co-chairman, Mishpacha
Editorial lacked strong resolution
As a UCLA alumna, I felt that the editorial published Friday
(“UCPD’s use of force disturbing, unacceptable,”
Nov. 17) did not make a strong enough statement about the use of
force by police on campus.
In merely calling the action “unacceptable” and
“disturbing,” the editorial tone is conciliatory and
muted.
In a case like this, I would have hoped that the editorial would
call for two things.
First, it would insist on immediate action against the police
officers. They clearly abused their authority in this
situation.
Second, it should have called for the banning of Taser use on
college students.
I hope I am not the only one calling for these measures and that
others will take a stronger stance.
Looja Tuladhar
Class of 2005
USAC president must focus on larger issues
Last week, members of a diverse coalition of student groups
worked hard to educate their peers and engage them in the UC Board
of Regents meeting.
However, instead of applauding these efforts, Undergraduate
Students Association Council President Marwa Kaisey chose to
criticize the group for their outreach methods (“Chalk
graffiti ugly, disrespectful,” Nov. 17).
We recognize that chalking is a nuisance, but with only about
100 black freshmen at UCLA and the Taser incident in Powell
Library, President Kaisey should focus on resolving these
crises.
Instead of simply addressing petty concerns such as chalk
messages, she should be an advocate for the student body.
The job of the USAC president is to prioritize students, not
complain about them.
Jeannie Biniek
Class of 2006
External vice president,
USAC 2005-2006
Jenny Wood
Class of 2006
President, USAC 2005-2006
UCLA: Newsroom Corrects Zionist Lies demonizing and delegitimizing Pro-America Law & Order Students
UCLA corrects Propaganda Lies about what protestors chanted
Correcting misinformation related to campus events
October 27, 2023 | UCLA Newsroom
There is misinformation spreading about a particular chant attributed to people who participated in nationwide rallies held on campuses, including at UCLA. Rally footage of people chanting this particular phrase was captured at the University of Pennsylvania and the video soon went viral because it was misheard as “we want Jewish genocide.” In response, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and USA Today issued corrections of what was actually said, which they report is: “we charge you with genocide.”
From USA Today’s reporting: An Oct. 17 Instagram post includes a video of protesting students purportedly shouting an antisemitic chant amid the Israel–Hamas war. “‘We want Jewish genocide,’” reads the text superimposed on the video, transcribing what it claims the group was chanting. “This is my Alma Mater. This is the University of Pennsylvania. They are cheering for my death & the death of all Jews.” The transcription is wrong. The group was chanting “We charge you with genocide,” a phrase that’s been repeated at pro-Palestinian rallies around the country. Both the student group that organized the rally and the school’s student newspaper said there were no chants advocating the genocide of Jewish people.
Similarly, at UCLA, there is footage of people chanting the same phrase as part of this nationwide rally. Our staff who were present at the event confirmed that what was chanted by the group was the phrase that the ADL and USA Today reported on.
Oct. 11, 2023
In the midst of a painful period for many, it is easy for misinformation to spread. The university would like to correct several rumors:
There are a variety of events taking place this week focused on aspects of the conflict between Israel and Hamas. These events are not sponsored by UCLA, but by student groups and faculty members whose free expression rights are protected under the First Amendment of the Constitution. Allowing the use of campus facilities for such events is part of UCLA’s legal obligation under the First Amendment and does not constitute the university’s endorsement of any event, its speakers or the views they express.
There was also a rumor spreading that a professor made attendance to one of these events mandatory. This rumor is false.
Another rumor circulating was that a TA would offer extra credit to students if they attended one particular event. In fact, this extra credit was being offered if students attended any one of several campus events about the topic of political violence. Aligned with the Academic Senate’s academic policies, faculty can offer extra credit to attend campus events that are relevant to their course content. It is also important to note that in addition to informing students about this event, the TA also sent students information about an event hosted yesterday (Oct. 10) by The Promise Armenian Institute and The Promise Institute for Human Rights, as well as an upcoming event hosted by the Y&S Nazarian Center for Israel Studies.
This is a tumultuous time and information is traveling quickly. We will continue to update this page with needed corrections as necessary.
https://newsroom.ucla.edu/correcting-misinformation-related-to-campus-events
UCLA: ADL-Zionists "outrage" over Cartoon Condemning Confiscation of Land w/o Compensation.
Apparently Zionist don't respect American law and international law--the U.S. Bill of Rights offends their Nazi Sensibilities...the Cartoon was NOT Jew-hating. It was funny, and pointed, which is why Zionist pissed their pathetic little pink panties. OMG, somebody makes Zionist and Putin's Mini Bibi appear like ethno-fascist-religious Nazis.
Campus, civic groups condemn cartoon in UCLA newspaper seen as anti-Semitic
By JTA 15 February 2017 | published in Times of Israel
A cartoon seen as anti-Semitic that was published in the UCLA student newspaper has been strongly condemned by civic and campus organizations, among them a pro-Palestinian student group.
The cartoon published Monday in the Daily Bruin shows Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu standing in front of two stone tablets inscribed with the Ten Commandments. In the commandment “Thou Shalt Not Steal,” the word “not” has been crossed out in red.
Pointing to another commandment “Thou Shalt Not Kill,” labeled as the seventh by the cartoonist, Netanyahu shrugs his shoulders and says, “#7 is next.”
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In the upper left corner of the cartoon, the legend reads: “Israel passes law legalizing seizing any Palestinian land.”
It refers to a law passed last week by the Israeli Knesset that allows the state to seize private Palestinian land on which settlements or outposts were built, as long as the settlers were not aware of the status of the land. In cases where the landowners are known, they are entitled to compensation.
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The cartoonist, Felipe Bris Abejon, is an undergraduate student in political science who last year served as education and resources director of the UCLA chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine, or SJP, a strongly anti-Zionist and pro-Palestinian national student group.
In a letter to the Daily Bruin, the SJP board at the University of California, Los Angeles condemned the cartoon and said that Abejon is currently not an SPJ member.
On Facebook and in letters to the editor, most critics of the cartoon argued that by involving the sacred Tablets of the Law, the cartoonist had crossed the line from anti-Zionism to anti-Semitism.
Danny Siegel, president of UCLA’s Undergraduate Student Association Council, declared in a statement: “As a Jewish student at UCLA, I am disgusted by the anti-Semitic claim in my school newspaper that the Israeli government is purposefully using my Jewish faith to justify policy matter.”
A statement by the Anti-Defamation League denounced the cartoon as “deeply offensive … and impugning core Jewish beliefs.”
Other critical statements were released by the campus Hillel chapter, members of the California Legislature, and Ha’am, the campus Jewish newspaper, which reported extensively on the controversy.
Tanner Walters, editor-in-chief of the Daily Bruin, pointed to an editorial lapse of judgment.
“This was a mistake that should have been caught at any point in the process, and it didn’t get caught,” Walters said.
He added that his paper has no formal process for religious, cultural and ethnic sensitivity training and that editing teams rely on common sense to avoid such mistakes.
In a subsequent letter of apology, the Daily Bruin promised to reach out to local religious leaders “to help our staff understand the historical context behind these kinds of hurtful images.”
In his own defense, Abejon said, “I stand by what the cartoon represents. I also stand against anti-Semitism and intolerance against the Jewish people. I apologize to anyone who has been offended, but I still stand behind what this cartoon says politically.”
Other protests of the cartoon were issued by Rabbi Aaron Lerner, UCLA’s Hillel director, and California state legislator Richard Bloom, who called for action by the UCLA administration.
NYU Law
NYU Law (2023Oct) - Law Student Job Offer Retracted for Statements against Israel
NYT Student Controversy
Message to the NYU Law Community
Dear Members of the NYU Law Community:
Some of you may have seen a message from the president of the Student Bar Association regarding the horrific conflict in Israel and Gaza. This message was not from NYU School of Law as an institution and does not speak for the leadership of the Law School. It certainly does not express my own views, because I condemn the killing of civilians and acts of terrorism as always reprehensible.
The attack on Israel and the subsequent and ongoing hostilities have made this a period of extreme pain and distress for many members of our community. Since the weekend, I have worked with administrators to provide support to students, faculty, and alumni who have been affected by this crisis.
The feelings that divide people in the world at large are certainly present within the Law School, but I hope that we are able to address them with compassion and mutual respect. The Law School’s leadership team will continue to provide the resources and support we can.
Troy McKenzie
Troy McKenzie
Posted on October 10, 2023
Posted on October 10, 2023
See a statement from the Student Bar Association disclaiming the statement from the president of the Student Bar Association.
From <https://www.law.nyu.edu/101023-dean-message>
Winston & Strawn Statement Regarding Law Student Post on the Hamas Terrorist Attacks Against Israel
October 10, 2023 05:29 PM Eastern Daylight Time
NEW YORK--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Today, Winston & Strawn learned that a former summer associate published certain inflammatory comments regarding Hamas’ recent terrorist attack on Israel and distributed it to the NYU Student Bar Association. These comments profoundly conflict with Winston & Strawn’s values as a firm. Accordingly, the Firm has rescinded the law student’s offer of employment.
As communicated yesterday to all Winston personnel, we remain outraged and deeply saddened by the violent attack on Israel over the weekend. Our hearts go out to our Jewish colleagues, their families, and all those affected.
Winston stands in solidarity with Israel’s right to exist in peace and condemns Hamas and the violence and destruction it has ignited in the strongest terms possible. We look forward to continuing to work together to eradicate anti-Semitism in all forms and to the day when hatred, bigotry, and violence against all people have been eliminated. Our strength lies in our unity, empathy, and shared humanity.
Winston & Strawn LLP is an international law firm with 16 offices in North America, South America, Asia, and Europe. More information about the firm is available at www.winston.com.
Contacts
Michael Goodwin
mgoodwin@stantonprm.com
646-502-3595
Sneha Satish
ssatish@stantonprm.com
646-502-3556
From <https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20231010192191/en/>
A Message from the SBA
Dear NYU Law Student Body:
Earlier today, the SBA President published a statement about the ongoing conflict in Israel and Palestine as part of the weekly bulletin email. The remaining members of SBA are writing to clarify that we did not write, approve, or see this message before it was published. SBA did not hold discussions about whether to issue a public statement about the conflict or the content of any potential statement. The ‘Message from the President’ reflects their personal views and does not represent the views of SBA as an organization or any of its officers. Under the SBA Constitution, our directive is “[t]o provide an effective medium for the expression of student's views,” and we regret that today’s Message distracted from this mission.
This evening, the SBA Board voted to initiate the removal of the SBA President. As required in Art. 9, Sec. 1.1 of the SBA Constitution, the SBA will conduct a hearing between October 17 and 24th as part of our removal procedures. The SBA will also continue to monitor the Vote of No Confidence survey that has been circulated under Art. 9, Sec. 2.2.
As a result of today’s statements, multiple students have received significant targeted harassment and death threats. We are horrified by these vile personal attacks and threats to students’ safety. The doxxing of any NYU Law student is unacceptable and disturbing. We urge NYU Law’s administration to do more to protect students’ privacy and safety in the face of targeted harassment.
We want to be clear, first and foremost, that we mourn the tremendous loss of human life in the past several days. We encourage students who have been affected by this crisis to reach out to NYU’s Wellness Exchange or the Office of Student Affairs for support. As a governing body that represents students and student groups with a wide range of perspectives on these very important issues, and out of concern for the safety of the members of the SBA and the student body, SBA cannot comment further.
We remain committed to creating a welcoming and inclusive space for all NYU Law students and serving as representatives of the student body. To further support our role as a student organization, we are in communication with NYU Law Administration to discuss appropriate next steps.
Troy McKenzie
Posted on October 10, 2023
aw SBA
Posted on October 10, 2023.
From <https://www.law.nyu.edu/101123-sba-message>
N.Y.U. Law Student Sends Anti-Israel Message and Loses a Job Offer
The controversy is the latest sign of the deep divide on campuses over the Hamas attack that killed more than 1,000 people.
From <https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/11/us/nyu-law-harvard-hamas-israel.html>
By Vimal Pateland Anemona Hartocollis
Oct. 11, 2023
Sign up for the Israel-Hamas War Briefing. The latest news about the conflict. Get it sent to your inbox.
A law firm’s job offer to a New York University law student was rescinded on Tuesday for what the firm described as “inflammatory comments” about Hamas’s attack that killed at least 1,200 Israelis. And at Harvard, student groups began to take back their signatures on a letter that blamed Israel for the violence.
The actions were part of a wave of fallout on campuses for students, who are deeply polarized over the fighting.
At N.Y.U., Ryna Workman, the president of the university’s Student Bar Association, wrote in a message to the group on Tuesday that “Israel bears full responsibility for this tremendous loss of life.”
“This regime of state-sanctioned violence created the conditions that made resistance necessary,” Mx. Workman wrote in the Student Bar Association bulletin. “I will not condemn Palestinian resistance.”
The backlash was swift.
By evening, the law firm, Winston & Strawn, said the comments “profoundly conflict” with its values and without naming the student, said it rescinded its offer of employment.
The same day, the dean of the law school, Troy A. McKenzie, repudiated the student’s remarks. “This message was not from N.Y.U. School of Law as an institution and does not speak for the leadership of the law school,” Mr. McKenzie wrote.
In a statement to The Times, the law school said: “For legal reasons, we cannot comment on the specifics of any current student who may be under investigation. Speaking generally, all complaints of bias and/or discriminatory behavior are investigated thoroughly and in accordance with federal, state, and local guidelines, and the appropriate disciplinary action follows the outcome of that process.”
Efforts to reach Mx. Workman were unsuccessful.
At Harvard, there was continued fallout from a letter issued over the weekend by a coalition of student groups holding Israel “entirely responsible” for the violence. On Tuesday, Bill Ackman, a prominent hedge fund manager, said that some chief executives had asked for a list of members in the student organizations, to ensure that “none of us inadvertently hire any of their members,” he wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter.
Lawrence H. Summers, a former Harvard president, had criticized the university’s administration for not immediately repudiating the student letter. But in an interview on Wednesday, he said that while he still condemned the letter, punishing individual signers would be problematic.
Some students may not have known what they were signing. “This is not a time for witch hunting or persecuting,” Dr. Summers said.
Claudine Gay, Harvard’s current president, wrote on Tuesday, “Let there be no doubt that I condemn the terrorist atrocities perpetrated by Hamas.”
Indeed, as the extent of the atrocities became clearer, some student groups retracted their signatures on Wednesday. The Harvard Undergraduate Ghungroo issued a formal apology; the Harvard Undergraduate Nepali Student Association expressed “regret,” and said that 10 Nepali students in Israel were among the civilians killed, and the Harvard Islamic Society said that it condemned “any attacks in which civilian victims pay the price.”
There were reports of a bus circulating on Harvard’s campus displaying the names and faces of students affiliated with the groups that signed the letter, prompting Harvard Hillel to condemn “any attempts to threaten and intimidate” those who signed it.
Even before the Hamas attack, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been one of the most contentious on campuses. In June, at the City University of New York School of Law, a student commencement speaker faced a furious backlash for denouncing “Israeli settler colonialism.” CUNY’s chancellor and board of trustees called the address “hate speech.”
At N.Y.U., the Student Bar Association voted Tuesday evening to begin the process of removing Mx. Workman as president, and it is circulating a “vote of no confidence” survey, according to a statement from the bar association.
The association said that its members apart from Mx. Workman “did not write, approve or see this message before it was published.”
As a result of the outrage surrounding the student’s message, “multiple students have received significant targeted harassment and death threats,” the group said, adding, “The doxxing of any N.Y.U. law student is unacceptable and disturbing.”
The bar association called on N.Y.U. to do more to protect students’ privacy and safety.
On Wednesday, David Tanner, the chairman of the law school’s board of trustees, and Mr. McKenzie, the dean, condemned the “terrorist attacks and the atrocities perpetrated by Hamas in Israel.”
The statement said N.Y.U. was “working 24/7 to protect the safety of all our students while providing support for those most affected by the war, here and in Israel.”
In May 2021, Mx. Workman, who is nonbinary, posted on Facebook that they were excited to be attending law school and that they wanted to help increase the number of Black female lawyers.
“As I transition into law school,” they wrote, “I want to learn how to operate as a young professional whose end goal is not to become part of the system that harms people like me and people in my community, but rather, how to become someone who breaks down those systems to help make the world we live in more equitable.”
Alain Delaquérière contributed research.
From <https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/11/us/nyu-law-harvard-hamas-israel.html>
NYU | Amin Husain | Professor's Activism under Fire from Zio-Cons
2019 Whitney Museum | NYU Professor Amin Husain | Decolonize
#leonard lauder (on the board)
#whitney THERE IS NO SPACE FOR PROFITEERS OF STATE VIOLENCE!
On Friday, March 22, 2019, we launched 9 Weeks of Art + Action, a diversity of strategies and tactics addressing the crisis at the Whitney Museum of American Art and beyond. The objective was to remove Warren B. Kanders immediately and advance the remaining demands of the staff of the museum, as the beginning of a decolonization process.
Let us remember what brought us here: 100 Whitney staff members took a stand and demanded the removal of Warren Kanders, the Whitney Vice Chairman by day and an international weapons dealer by night. We stand in solidarity with the workers, because we do not entertain profiteers of state violence. Period.
Warren Kanders is the CEO of Safariland. Safariland manufactures tear gas used against migrant families at the Mexico/US border, water protectors at Standing Rock, Black folx in Ferguson, Palestinians during the Great Return March, +++. Safariland isn't "over there." The NYPD purchased $7.3 million of weapons and gear from Safariland in 2016 to continue targeting, assaulting, and murdering people of color in our own backyard.
Bottom line: SAFARILAND IS KILLING US! WARREN KANDERS MUST BE HELD ACCOUNTABLE! As Indigenous, Black, and Brown peoples, state violence is no stranger to us. As our blood fills Warren Kanders' bank account and spills onto the floors of the Whitney, we, too, must rise up and take a stand.
Warren Kanders is only the beginning of the crisis at the Whitney. We begin with the fact the we stand on un-ceded territory of the Lenape people, and ask: What about the occupied land? What about the pipeline buried next to the Whitney? What about the working class queer communities of color displaced from the Meatpacking district? What about the rising rent prices in the neighborhood leading to the gentrification of Chinatown and Bushwick?
The Whitney Museum is only the beginning. Cultural institutions are key players in the settler colonial project and racialized captialism. In 2016, the Brooklyn Museum hosted Brooklyn's 2016 Real Estate Summit WHILE exhibiting movement-generated art around issues such as gentrification in "AgitProp." Next to "AgitProp" was "This Place," a 6 MILLION dollar photography exhibition, which artwashes the occupation of Palestine by visually erasing the conflict, Palestinian people, and their histories. What about the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, funded by one of the largest drug dealers of our time: The Sackler Family. Richard Sackler not only profits off the sell of OxyCotin, but is responsible for developing, testing, and releasing the addictively lethal drug onto the public. When scientists warned him of the drug's abuse potential, Sackler responded with, “How substantially would it improve our sales?" The American Museum of Natural History refuses to repatriate the SKULLS of the Herero peoples acquired via genocide. And MoMA The Museum of Modern Art where a key board member, Larry Fink, is CEO of a company that is the 2nd largest shareholder of private prisons, responsible for over 70% of all immigration detention including families separated at the border. The examples are numerous and plentiful. +++
Throughout the 9 Weeks, we (the many, many POC-centered, community-based collectives and organizations) mapped out these connections between lands, spaces, communities, and struggles using a diversity of strategies and tactics. Additionally, we welcomed autonomous actions that decenter the museum, center our struggles and movements, and draw the necessary connections using decolonization as a framework.
On Friday, we began with tear gas.
From <https://decolonizethisplace.org/9weeksofartinaction2>
#whitney 9 Weeks of Art+ Action COLLABORATORS
Art Space Sanctuary
Chinatown Art Brigade
Crystal House
Critical Resistance
Queer Youth Power
Hydro Punk
Mahina Movement
NYC Shut It Down
NYC Solidarity with Palestine
War Resisters League
Brooklyn Defense Committee
Comité boricua En La Diáspora
Sunset Park For A Liberated Future
South Asia Solidarity Initiative
Take Back The Bronx
The Illuminator
The People’s Cultural Plan
The Whitest Cube
We Will Not Be Silent
Equality 4 Flatbush
Mobile Print Power
Global Ultra Luxury Faction
Insurgent Poets Society
Semillas Collective
Copwatch Patrol Unit
Nodutdol For Korean Community Development
Within Our Lifetime
Movement to Protect the People
Brooklyn Anti-Gentrification Network
Black Youth Project 100
No New Jails NYC
Mi Casa No Es Su Casa
New Sanctuary Coalition
P.A.I.N. Sackler
About Face; Veterans Against the War
Queens Anti-Gentrification Project
Cosecha NYC
(De)Institutional Research Team (D.I.R.T.)
Why Accountability
after kanders, Decolonization is the Way Forward
July 30, 2019 - Last week, Warren Kanders was forced off the board of the Whitney. We celebrate this win, and we acknowledge the work of everyone who contributed to this outcome over the course of eight months of organizing and action. We send a shout out to the museum workers who first spoke up against Kanders; the journalists who broke the story and have been covering the crisis; the single artist who declined to participate in the Biennial before it opened; the scholars and artists (including 52 of the 75 Biennial participants) who supported the demand to remove Kanders through their open letter; the community groups, art collectives, and all those who mobilized every Friday at the museum for Nine Weeks of Art and Action over the course of the spring; and, most recently, the authors of "The Tear Gas Biennial,” who set the stage for eight artists to withdraw their work from the Biennial last week. The removal of Kanders was achieved by using a diversity of tactics, enabling us to move together without assuming unity.
We have been asked--What comes next? We see the removal of Kanders as one step in an ongoing project of decolonization. This project involves the Whitney and the broader art system itself, but necessarily exceeds both.
Today, we write from the perspective of artists and organizers working to build a decolonial movement across the city and beyond. We and dozens of collaborating groups came together at the Whitney because we saw our own specific struggles amplified in the struggle against Kanders, from the Bronx to Brooklyn, Palestine to Puerto Rico. We should remember that mobilizing against Kanders has not just been about "artwashing" or “toxic philanthropy”--it has also been a fight against the violence directed at our communities and movements. Along with bullets and handcuffs, batons and body-armor, the teargas made by Safariland is a weapon of counterinsurgency, designed for use by police forces, prison guards, militaries, and border patrols to literally beat down and choke our efforts at liberation.
The demand to remove Kanders has been both a platform for movement-building and a gateway to effect deeper changes in the power relations of an art institution whose business as usual harms our friends, families, and communities. But now that Kanders is out, some prominent voices in the artworld are whitewashing the significance of the victory, limiting the sense of possibility that has opened up.
Some have been eager to pick apart the history of the campaign, exceptionalizing the role of individual artists at the expense of collective organizing anchored outside the art system. This creates a false either-or division between artists and organizers, manufactures unnecessary drama, and misunderstands the reality of how the coalition against Kanders was nurtured and held together. Further, it implies that individual artists should be centered in any ensuing process at the museum--a position that we doubt many artists involved with the campaign would themselves advocate.
Others are rushing to ask: who is the next Trustee to be targeted? Military contractors, prison profiteers, climate criminals and more are pervasive on the board of the Whitney and other institutions. To be sure, we savor the fact that these violent oligarchs are now sleeping with one eye open, and we would welcome further action against them (Ken Griffin, Nancy Carrington Crown, Pamela DeVos, we see you!). But after Kanders' departure, a focus on trustees alone could lead to a narrowly conceived focus on establishing guidelines of acceptability for trustee participation. This could easily become its own domain of unaccountable bureaucratic expertise if treated as an end in and of itself, with a closed-door committee adjudicating the boundary between "good" and "bad" money.
Still others assert that the victory against Kanders demonstrates the need for enhanced diversity, inclusion, and representation on museum boards--as if the conflicts that came to a head with Kanders could be resolved primarily by demographic realignment. Among the lessons of the Kanders crisis has been the limitations of liberal versions of "identity politics." Why would we imagine that anyone's racial or ethnic background necessarily aligns that person with justice, or assume any unity between those who share a skin color? As the saying goes, “All my skinfolk ain’t kinfolk.”
Our allies in the Bronx know this well. As Shellyne Rodriguez has shown, Black and Brown artists, non-profit professionals, and elected officials are currently leveraging their identities and the traumatic history of that borough to facilitate the process of what they proudly call "self-gentrification." It is necessary to break down the monolith of Blackness, or any other identity, which can always become a tool of oppression in its own right (cf. Kamala Harris). This urgent need goes hand in hand with the task evoked by Xaviera Simmons in a recent article about the Whitney crisis: “Whiteness must undo itself to make way for a truly radical turn in contemporary culture.” Our work in mobilizing against Kanders and beyond has focused not on demographic diversity but on solidarity between struggles. Solidarity is not a box to be checked--it is difficult and painstaking work that requires us to ask: what debts do we owe to each other? What are we willing to sacrifice? How do we become political accomplices?
As we move forward, we take as our point of departure the open letter signed by 400 writers, scholars, and artists last May. There, it was proposed that the removal of Kanders could provide a pathway to a Decolonization Commission that would “include community stakeholders and guided by a variety of urgent principles: Indigenous land rights and restitution, reparations for enslavement and its legacies, the dismantling of patriarchy, workplace democracy, de-gentrification, climate justice, and sanctuary from border regimes and state violence generally." We raised a similar prospect in previous actions taken against the Brooklyn Museum and the American Museum of Natural History.
Now, following the removal of Kanders, the Whitney is especially primed for such a process. The road forward must substantially involve multiple stakeholders--museum workers, artists, intellectuals, and the collectives and community groups who are already enacting decolonization on the ground. We can imagine a wide range of participants in this process: Indigenous Womxn's Collective, American Indian Community House, No New Jails, Cop Watch NYC, Chinatown Art Brigade, Take Back the Bronx, Brooklyn Anti-Gentrification Network, Art Space Sanctuary , Comite Boricua en la Diaspora, Hydro Punk, Mobile Print Power, Queer Youth Power, and Within Our Lifetime, to name just a few of the many important groups organizing in the city today. We cite them by way of example to indicate the interconnectedness of struggles that characterizes the project of decolonization.
Why decolonization? A decolonial perspective approaches our present political condition by beginning with the occupied land on which we stand. It acknowledges that the settler-colony of the United States was founded on the theft of land, life, and labor over four hundred years, and that it operates as an external empire as well. The term insists that colonization is not a period sealed safely in the past, but an ongoing process inherent to the dynamics of contemporary racial capitalism. It also as a framework necessitates abolition: of prisons and police, borders and bosses, empires and oligarchs. What about museums?
Typically, decolonization has been understood by museum professionals (primarily but not exclusively in the sphere of natural history museums grappling with their explicitly racist origins) to be limited to exhibition displays, programming, and how particular communities are represented. By targeting board membership and sponsorship, the Kanders campaign, alongside the important work of Sackler P.A.I.N., BP Or Not To BP, and Liberate Tate, have broken through the firewall between cultural representation and economic power. This is also the case with recent campaigns to unionize museum workers, and Gulf Labor Artist Coalition’s efforts to amplify the voices of those employed to construct museums. As The People’s Cultural Plan and (De)Institutional Research Team have insisted, any discussion of funding structures, cultural policy, and institutional governance must also be connected to struggles around labor, land, and the development of alternative solidarity economies of care, reproduction, and cooperation.
When we speak of a Decolonization Commission, we emphasize the word “process” because decolonization is not oriented to a singular endpoint known in advance, and nor is it about purity of method or intent. Our very willingness to engage the world of museums demonstrates this, particularly in light of the argument made by some that institutions like the Whitney may in the end be unsalvageable, that they are beyond repair and not worthy of our attention. We take this possibility seriously.
During the Kanders campaign, we sometimes heard the question--”aren’t we better off having a compromised museum than none at all? What would we do without the Whitney?” But that "we" did not include those on the receiving end of Kanders' weapons--the detained and deported, the displaced and dispossessed, the dying and the dead. Seen from that angle, the Whitney was not a cherished cultural resource to be preserved at all costs (including tolerating figures like Kanders for their money) but an enabler of violence to be actively confronted.
In the coming year, much of our own energy will be devoted to establishing an autonomous movement space for art, education, and organizing. However, even as we develop our own initiative, we believe the museum can be made responsive to people rather than to the dictates of capital, that it can foster creativity and memory rather than functioning as a tool to launder the reputations of the ultra-wealthy. By participating in a decolonization process, the Whitney leadership could set an example for other institutions as they come under increasing scrutiny, paving the way for a process at a city-wide scale.
A space is needed to collectively assess the current situation, flesh out principles, and develop the parameters of a process. To that end, we call for a Town Hall Assembly in New York City on Saturday, September 7th at noon, with the location to be determined. The event will be both a celebration and a strategy session devoted to building on the momentum of the Kanders victory, at the Whitney and across all the cultural institutions of the city and beyond. All those who feel a stake in the future of our institutions and our movements are welcome. We are working to secure sign language interpretation, and the Town Hall Assembly will be live-streamed. For those interested in participating in the planning of this event or who cannot participate physically but wish to share their thoughts, email afterkanders@gmail.com.
Decolonize This Place
From <https://decolonizethisplace.org/9weeksofartinaction2>
2019 #whitney The Artist-Activists Decolonizing the Whitney Museum
#whitney The Artist-Activists Decolonizing the Whitney Museum
By Daniel Penny
March 22, 2019
By Daniel Penny March 22, 2019
Posters designed by Kyle Goen
On December 9, 2018, at twelve thirty in the afternoon, a group of about a hundred friends, acquaintances, and strangers began arriving at the corner of Washington and Gansevoort Streets on the far west side of Manhattan, right in front of the Whitney Museum. Many carried signs and banners painted with slogans, which they spread across the sidewalk and weighed down with socks full of spare change: I DIDN’T CROSS THE BORDER, THE BORDER CROSSED ME in green and white, NO DAPL in red block letters against a black background, and FUCK ICE written in a script made of what looked like snakes being torn apart by eagles.
“I want to thank everybody for coming out on this cold-ass day,” said Shellyne Rodriguez, a member of the group Take Back the Bronx. She wore a beanie over her bundle of gray dreadlocks and rubbed her hands together. “Warren B. Kanders is on the board of this museum,” she added, pointing to the shimmering glass and concrete structure behind her. Warren B. Kanders, the vice chairman of the Whitney’s board, is also the CEO of the “less lethal” arms manufacturer Safariland. Along with making body armor, billy clubs, and the NYPD’s holsters, Kanders’s company is among the largest manufacturers of tear gas in the world, and it was his canisters you likely saw in photographs from 2018 demonstrations at the Mexico–United States border. “We can trace the tear gas canisters launched at the caravan of asylum seekers at the border of the U.S. and Mexico to the Whitney Museum. The time is now to put a stop to that shit. Because what will they do next?”
A man dressed in a heavy parka, military-style green cap, and a keffiyeh went over the plan. His name was Amin Husain, a Palestinian artist, activist, an adjunct at NYU, and cofounder of Decolonize This Place (DTP). Husain cleared his throat and called for a mic check.
“We have posters, and we have banners, and we have signs. Put them on your body, put them in your bags,” he instructed. “We need to be in that museum to hold it accountable. It is also our museum in this city.” Husain paused while the crowd cheered.
“Feel empowered to carry a banner with you and another person. Your responsibility inside is to make it visible and seen. And those who have posters—the posters have a statement on the back and the demands of the caravan. It’s about giving it out to people. A lot of love went into that art, but that’s the people’s art.”
Fellow organizers held bundles of posters designed by Kyle Goen, which featured screen-print-style grids of tear gas canisters reminiscent of Andy Warhol’s soup cans. The canisters were paired with pictures of Kanders, his wife, and the Whitney’s director, Adam Weinberg, smiling together at a gala. On other images, the Whitney’s spiky, minimalist W had been tweaked to form the path of a bouncing can of tear gas.
Journalists scrambled to keep their cameras rolling as the mass joined the line at the entrance to the museum, where staff were claiming there would be an hour-long wait. This didn’t sit well with the protestors.
“You gonna learn today, Whitney,” said Rodriguez, as the crowd pushed itself into the lobby, taking up their most popular call-and-response chant: “Decolonize… Decolonize … This museum! … This museum!”
Once inside, I found myself on the edge of a ring of about a hundred artists and activists assembled in the lobby. Stepping into the center was Rick Chavolla, a member of the Kumeyaay tribe and a leader of the American Indian Community House, which had, until recently, been engaged in a community partnership with the museum. As he spoke, he held a smoldering bundle of sage in his hand.
“Sage is medicine,” he shouted, and the crowd repeated after him.
“Tear gas is poison” Chavolla added, echoed by the crowd. He wafted the sage while other protestors lit sage-filled braziers. The room began to smell like a new age bookstore. Curious onlookers held up their phones to record the commotion while museum staff watched from their positions around the lobby or stood at the edge of the crowd, nodding their heads.
“This man, Warren Kanders, poisons us.”
Tendrils of fragrant white smoke drifted through the lobby. A woman passing by the ticket desk frowned and waved her fingers in front of her face while a young couple dressed in expensive shades of black used their shirts as improvised gas masks to cover their two children’s mouths. Panicked clusters of coughing visitors ran into the museum’s elevators, seeking refuge.
Sketch by Agata Craftlove
It’s ironic that a person who profits from a weapon that governments around the world use to suppress free expression would also claim to defend those ideals, but the irony seems to be lost on Warren Kanders. Through his business, Kanders has become very rich (Forbes estimates his net worth at $700 million), and he has funneled much of his wealth into art collecting and art-related philanthropy. The show that had just opened at the Whitney in the weeks before the DTP protest, “Andy Warhol: From A to B and Back Again,” was funded in part by the generosity of Kanders, as was the Whitney’s recent retrospective on political art, “An Incomplete History of Protest: Selections from the Whitney’s Collection, 1940–2017” (now on view at Kanders’s alma mater, Brown University).
After a Hyperallergic article linked Kanders with the tear gas canisters deployed against asylum seekers, ninety-five members of the museum’s staff (including curators Marcela Guerrero and Rujeko Hockley) wrote a leaked letter urging the board and Adam Weinberg to call for Kanders’s resignation, and to develop “a clear policy around trustee participation.”
One Whitney employee who had signed the letter (she asked to speak with me anonymously for fear of retaliation) explained the staff’s frustration. “I get it—the administration’s in a tough position,” the employee said. We were sitting in the back of a bar in Brooklyn, a few hours after the DTP protest had ended, trying to guess what, if any, impact it might have. The museum’s social-media accounts were locked down, and staff had been asked not to speak with press. “But it would even be great to know, what is the line? What is acceptable?” the employee continued. “Is there a point where you would say no to money or is it our position that all money is good money for the museum, and that’s who we’re going to be?”
This is an old question. Most of the big museums in New York City (and in the U.S., for that matter)—The Met, The Frick, Cooper Hewitt, the Guggenheim, the Whitney, and MoMA—were founded or supported by robber barons and their children. Spurred by Andrew Carnegie’s The Gospel of Wealth, these museum benefactors wanted to cement their legacies as philanthropists rather than monsters. Today, we call this “art-washing.” Because these cultural institutions were established as nonprofits operating “in the public interest,” U.S. law allows donations to be tax-deductible. This creates museums that funnel money away from public coffers, that are “open to all” and yet are controlled by and cater to the tastes of America’s wealthiest people.
Since their establishment in the first Gilded Age, museum boards have only gotten wealthier. In his survey of American nonprofits, “A History of Nonprofit Boards in the United States,” Peter Dobkin Hall argues that trustees used to be chosen for their expertise—professors, government officials, and priests in the case of religiously affiliated colleges—who were appointed to uphold the missions of these institutions. Hall suggests the shift toward the superwealthy happened in waves, such as during the end of the nineteenth century when rich alumni pushed out religious leaders at schools like Harvard and Yale, and during the Reagan and Clinton eras, when Republicans enraged by provocative contemporary art shows tried to cut government funding; museums became desperate for alternate money. Since then, museums have come to rely on the very wealthy to pay for programming, and given Trump’s hostility to funding the arts (this is his third budget to propose eliminating the National Endowment of the Arts), America’s wealthiest individuals will be called upon to fill the gap once more. Even Jerry Saltz, a vocal critic of art-washing, told the New York Times in 2018: “…We need the money of rich people in America to fund the arts.” And in Europe, where governments have traditionally had a long history of funding the arts, the iron grip of austerity has led many state museums to cut budgets and expand their development offices, even sending employees to the U.S. to learn “the American way of giving.”
Though they have enormous power to shape institutions that serve the public, museum boards are less like governments elected by the people and more like private clubs, self-perpetuating and accountable only to themselves. The makeup of the board illustrates the problem: As of this writing, only one artist and one scholar sit on the Whitney’s board of fifty-two trustees, Fred Wilson and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (They are also among the four trustees of color.) In essence, the rich use art philanthropy to accrue cultural capital, maintaining inequality while claiming to soften its worst effects.
Weinberg responded to the criticism in a public letter, saying that the Whitney “cannot right all the ills of an unjust world, nor is that its role.” Kanders doubled down with his own letter, outlining the benefits of his company’s products for maintaining law and order. “Regardless of one’s political persuasion, I hope we can all agree that uncontrolled riots pose a serious threat not only to the safety and security of law enforcement, but also to the public in general,” he writes. “I am not the problem.” This is a point on which he and protesters may actually agree.
In the eyes of DTP and their compatriots, Kanders is a starting point. Organizer Marz Saffore described him as “just one fuckboi on the board” at a DTP direct-action meeting in March. She wore her hair in a frizzy bun and a black T-shirt with the phrase “White Supremacy is Terrorism” printed across the front.
Some of the other board members include Susan K. Hess of the Hess gasoline fortune, and Nancy Crown, whose family is the largest private shareholder of General Dynamics—a defense contractor paid to house and process thousands of detained immigrant children. With Kanders and Hess and Crown, and many others still on the board months after the December 9 action, DTP has announced “a campaign of escalation” leading up to the 2019 Biennial. More than pressuring Kanders to resign, they hope to advance a series of demands, starting with the staff’s letter, about how the museum should be governed in general.
Decolonize This Place doesn’t have an official hierarchy or elected positions—but organizers Nitasha Dhillon and Amin Husain seem to run the show, with support from artists and “over thirty” other activist groups across the city, according to Dhillon.
Dhillon thinks of DTP not as a traditional organization but as toolkit of theoretical concepts and aesthetic strategies that anybody can use to reckon with the colonial legacies and ongoing practices of their “place” or situation—be it a museum, a school, or a government. “Decolonization is inherently a process that requires unsettling,” she said, “but it’s a conversation that opens up.”
In their October essay, “From institutional Critique to Institutional Liberation? A Decolonial Perspective on the Crises of Contemporary Art,” Husain and Dhillon (writing as “MTL Collective”) position themselves as part of a larger contemporary “resurgence of activism around artistic institutions.” Since 2010, the activist group Gulf Labor and their direct-action spin-off GULF (Global Ultra Luxury Faction) have been lobbying the Guggenheim Museum to build its Abu Dhabi branch ethically, and has collaborated with the Illuminator, another art-activist collective, to create guerrilla light projections against the museum’s facade. BAN (Brooklyn Anti-Gentrification Network) has pressured the Brooklyn Museum to sever ties with real-estate developers pushing up the price of housing and studios in the borough. Liberate Tate is engaged in a campaign against British Petroleum’s sponsorship of the Tate museum. And Nan Goldin’s group P.A.I.N. (Prescription Addiction Intervention Now) is attempting to hold the big-pharma Sackler family (donors to MoMA, the Met, the Guggenheim, and the Harvard Museum, among others) responsible for their role in developing and marketing OxyContin—to which Goldin personally became addicted. Due to pressure from Goldin, on March 19, London’s National Portrait Gallery announced its decision not to accept a one-million-pound grant from the Sackler Trust.
Since the December 9 protest at the Whitney, I’ve been attending meetings, conducting interviews, and decoding densely written art manifestos in an effort to understand what separates this new movement from past trends in activist art. Unlike some of their comrades, DTP somewhat paradoxically frames their political actions as a kind of art-making, and I’ve been struggling to understand what it means to call protest “art” rather than to frame it as a political gesture with a visual component. How do we talk about or understand the work of artists trying to affect structural change, and using the techniques and theories of art as they do so?
Like their predecessors, DTP operates with the recognition (following the Marxist cultural critic Fredric Jameson) that art under the conditions of late capitalism is not just a super-structural bauble decorating “real” money and power, but is fundamental to capitalism itself. According to Art Basel’s annual report, global art sales in 2018 reached $67.4 billion, up 6% from 2017. Museums, through their curation, scholarship, and collecting activities validate and indirectly boost the value of the art they show, sometimes borrowed from the collections of their own trustees. Today, museums have become essential tools in driving income and cultural prestige to their host neighborhoods, cities, and countries—a trend that art historian Hal Foster calls the “Bilbao effect.”
The role of contemporary art museums in creating wealth is one side of the coin (capital); on the other are the artists who have begun to think of themselves as laborers. This potentially radical concept has popped up every few decades since the Paris Commune, and seems most viable during times of political and economic crises. During the Depression, the American Artists Congress was founded as part of the Communist Party USA, and as Helen Langa notes in Radical Art: Printmaking and the Left in 1930s New York, even sent an ambulance corps to fight fascists in the Spanish Civil War. In the late sixties, groups such as the Black Emergency Cultural Coalition and the Art Workers’ Coalition (whose work was on view in “An Incomplete History of Protest”) pressured museums into a more transparent and democratic relationship with artists, and a more racially diverse curatorial program—underpinned by artists’ rights to withhold their work if terms were not met. And in our post-Occupy, Trumpified moment—through collective action, groups like W.A.G.E (Working Artists and the Greater Economy) are attempting to form a kind of artists guild that certifies museums and galleries who meet their minimum payment standards. Drawing on this history, Decolonize This Place understands their protests at the Whitney as not just symbolic gestures, but actual disruptions of the colonial, capitalist art system.
However DTP differs from many of its peers and predecessors by rejecting the limits of institutional critique and old channels of art world authority. Their actions are planned and carried out without museums’ cooperation, and they threaten a museum’s greatest asset, its brand. By using semianonymous collectives and partnerships to self-theorize in prominent art-world journals (like October) and to launch their own (Anemones), they attempt to chart their artistic and political lineages outside the closed loop of the traditional art world. By emphasizing their role as artists, and therefore active stakeholders in the institutions they challenge, DTP also rejects the inside/outside distinction museums’ communications offices wield against would-be protestors; both Husain and Dhillon are deeply invested in the museum as graduates of the Whitney’s Independent Study program, with lifetime memberships. “It is also our museum in this city,” Husain reminded the crowd outside the Whitney. For DTP, crisis presents an opportunity to be heard.
Most significant, however, is their dismissal of critic Holland Cotter’s call to “make museums moral again,” which DTP and their allies see as a reform effort that would have museums renew their stated commitments to “liberal” values by booting especially heinous board members whose actions violate the missions of their institutions—while in the most important ways (governance, inclusive curation and hiring, and pay equity) preserving the status quo. What DTP and their comrades propose is a more radical agenda at the nexus of art and politics, a practice they call institutional liberation, that goes beyond representation and questions the fundamentals of how art institutions are run—by whom and for whom.
“We’re interested in liberation, not in an aesthetic sense, but actually in freedom,” Husain told me. “I think what people don’t realize is that one of the few spaces that we have left is in the arts.”
In the case of the Whitney, this means following the staff’s demands to define the circumstances under which the museum will accept or reject “toxic philanthropy.” Dhillon, Husain, and art historian Yates McKee called me from a “banner-making party” to explain what seemed to me like very vague goals, aside from ousting Kanders.
Dhillon said she hopes the groups can facilitate a “a decolonization process.”
“Decolonization means something more than better board members,” said Husain.
“It’s a thorough restructuring of the relations of power,” added McKee.
But what exactly was the endgame?
“At some point they’re probably going to call us in for a conversation,” explained Husain. “We’re going to be in the room with the stakeholders, and we’re going to be doing a step-by-step process. And we’re going to trying to figure out, how can we go forward? And then we’ll go in another room and figure out, should this stop?”
Sketch by Agata Craftlove
DTP’s first step is to create spaces for people to talk. This was the idea behind their town hall on January 26, held in a subterranean auditorium at Cooper Union. The lights dimmed as a video of Safariland training footage played to the depressingly buoyant tune of 21 Savage’s “A Lot.” How many lawyers you got? (A lot.) / How many times you got shot? (A lot.)
Every DTP meeting begins with an acknowledgement of indigenous claims to the land on which the meeting is taking place. The schedule for the afternoon was a “speak out,” followed by “break-outs,” and a “wrap-up,” and it was here I would learn that while demonstrations are exciting, the rest of activism work can be quite tedious. The first audience member to talk was Jackson Polys, a native Alaskan artist with a puff of gray hair in the style of Jim Jarmusch. Polys is also in the 2019 Biennial and has been working closely with the Whitney to develop a land acknowledgement principle. He took the microphone and sat on the stage to face the rest of us.
“I may be lying. Or lying in wait,” he began cryptically. “But I’ll aim to keep this brief brief, and acknowledge the aim—or at least, I may appear to be pretending to take aim.”
Other participants took a less poetic approach to describing injustice in the museum world. Curator Nikki Columbus emphasized the need for collective action, recounting a job offer she received at MoMA PS1 in 2018, which was rescinded when her superiors became aware that she had just given birth. Though she filed a lawsuit, no settlement has been reached. Columbus moved on to the recent New Museum unionization announcement, to roars of applause, and ended on a note of reflection: “The reason I started with my own history is just to say, that as I found out, it’s easy for institutions to ignore single voices,” she said, “but they can’t ignore us if we act collectively.”
For the second half of the afternoon, we moved on to “tactical brainstorming.” On the auditorium stage, a group of artists and art historians, including Lyle Ashton Harris, David Joselit, and Yates McKee, were thinking through the conceptual underpinnings of the movement. The participants at the meeting frequently referenced the artist Hans Haacke, whose 1970 piece, “MoMA Poll,” asked museum visitors: “Would the fact that Governor Rockefeller has not denounced President Nixon’s Indochina policy be a reason for you not to vote for him in November?” Consisting of ballot papers, two clear boxes, and a photoelectric counting device, Haacke’s poll directed participants to place their answers inside the corresponding boxes to make visible the increasingly anti–Vietnam War attitudes of the public. Viewers were prompted to recall the connections between the obviously crooked President Nixon and the supposedly benign Governor Rockefeller, who also happened to be a trustee of MoMA. Not surprisingly, Haacke was not invited to contribute work to future MoMA shows.
In his recent book, Strike Art: Contemporary Art in the Post-Occupy Condition, McKee flips the art/protest binary to show the ways groups like DTP are drawing lessons from a leftist political vanguard as much as an artistic avant-garde: from the “Free Store” of the Diggers, to ACT-UP’s ashes protests, to the demonstrations of Zapatistas, to Occupy, Black Lives Matter, and Standing Rock. To really understand what DTP is about, McKee argues that you have to look at political groups whose activities largely haven’t been recognized as art. “Radical movements have always involved creative direct action. Poetic forms can be embedded in the work of collective struggle, with life and death stakes,” McKee told me.
What connects many of these disparate political struggles and groups is what McKee, borrowing from David Graeber, describes as the “creative resistance,” a political strategy that uses the techniques of art-making to spread messages or advance critique, while also in some way “prefiguring” or bringing into being an alternative vision of how that community or institution could exist. David Graeber’s ready example is the campus occupation, in which students, faculty, and staff don’t merely criticize university policy, but through teach-ins, break-out groups, committees, and the activities of everyday life, are able to reimagine how the university might function in radically different and more democratic ways.
While the art historians were debating DTP’s artistic and political lineage, Lise Soskolne, an organizer of W.A.G.E., led a group of a few dozen artists to the lobby outside the auditorium, where they sat in a circle on the concrete floor. W.A.G.E. had just released a call to artists chosen for the Whitney Biennial to withhold their work until the demands of the Whitney staff were met. Soskolne explained that artists were supposed to use a new online platform created by W.A.G.E., called WAGENCY, that would allow them to individually negotiate with the museum for this purpose. The assembled crowd of artists did not understand how this would work.
“Why aren’t we doing a full boycott?” an older artist seated on a chair asked Soskolne. Many of the younger artists in the circle frowned at the idea.
Others recalled the challenges of protests at past Biennials, including around Dana Schutz’s painting of Emmett Till, which had drawn widespread controversy within the art world and beyond. Had anything come of those protests? The meeting concluded without much progress.
With the meeting over, attendees milled about the auditorium, among them a few staff members from the Whitney who had chosen to remain incognito. I spoke with one museum employee who had helped write the staff’s demands. “I’ve been really heartened to see some artists supporting the letter. The Whitney is the artists’ museum,” they said, gesturing to the crowd. There were people from across the city, of every age, gender, race. Some were dressed in the rumpled sport coats of professors, others in neon beanies and busted Dr. Martens. Almost all of them were artists. “[The staff] may not have a lot of power to make demands of the administration, but artists do in a very real way.”
*
Poster designed by Kyle Goen
Despite the intense public pressure, disruptive protests, and negative media coverage, Kanders has not yet resigned, and as of press time, only one artist, Michael Rakowitz, has withdrawn from the Biennial. “I stand in solidarity with the workers, and all the people who are being tear-gassed,” Rakowitz told me over the phone. An Iraqi American artist and professor at Northwestern University whose work often addresses the lingering devastation of the 2003 invasion, Rakowitz felt his participation in an exhibit funded by a “profiteer of state violence” would go against everything he stands for. He considered the idea of addressing the problem of Kanders in his work, but “I think the machine of the museum does a very good job of appropriating that critique and turning that into a product,” he said.
Rakowitz had never intended to make public his departure from the Biennial, but rumors about his decision began to circulate in the art world, prompting the Whitney to release their roster of selected artists on the same day that the New York Times was set to print their article on his withdrawal. “They don’t let you know who else is in the show. You have to sign a nondisclosure agreement,” he explained. “The Whitney did this perfectly. It’s a divide-and-conquer technique.”
So far, none of the other seventy-five participants have contacted Rakowitz. “Careerism runs rampant in our field. It’s a very precarious field,” he sighed. “We’ve been led to believe that these are things we can’t say no to. I think there’s power in unions, and when artists collectivize they’re able to make change,” he said. “I wish artists would realize they—the museums in general, not just the Whitney—need us more than we need them, and we need them to be better.”
Since the announcement of the Biennial roster, DTP has switched from calling for an artist boycott to endorsing a “multiplicity of tactics” against the museum. Notably, this Biennial will be the most diverse ever, with many more young artists of color than in past shows. Recognizing their precariousness, DTP “is asking for people to do things from their own position,” said Dhillon.
For DTP to achieve its most immediate and concrete goal, Kanders must either resign or be removed from the board by other Whitney trustees. Neither event will be made more likely by a few artists in the Biennial obliquely referencing tear gas in their work. Only one recent campaign to oust a museum trustee has been successful, and it may lay the groundwork for how organizers can approach the Whitney—the effort to remove Steven Mnuchin from MOCA in 2016. To explain his departure, Mnuchin and the museum claimed he needed to focus on his new duties as treasury secretary in the Trump administration. The timing, however, was suspicious, as many prominent artists in the collection and on the board, including Barbara Kruger and Andrea Fraser, had been lobbying for his removal and had planned to publish a signed petition calling for his ouster in the Los Angeles Times—the day before Mnuchin’s retreat.
“I think the effectiveness of the situation at MOCA had to due with the presence of artists and some other progressive board members” said Fraser, calling from Los Angeles. She wondered whether organizers could try a similar technique at the Whitney, leveraging the reputations of artists in the collection, who could, for example refuse to have their work shown until the staff’s demands are met. Better yet—why not pack the board with more artists, staff members, and other museum stakeholders, and change governance from the inside?
However, Fraser didn’t think it made sense to call these activities “art.” Though she is renowned as one of the principal practitioners and theorists of institutional critique, and is often credited with coining the term, she wondered whether it might be more effective to just turn the screws on the board the old-fashioned way. She had recently completed a phone-book of a project, 2016 in Museums, Money, and Politics that traces the political giving of almost every museum trustee in America during the last election cycle and questions the role of museums in upholding political influence. “I’m asked about my book for example, 2016, Is it art, or is it not? Is it political science research, what is it? My response to that is, Well, it could be art,” Fraser mused. She continued: “Calling something art generally implies or affects a few things that we’re very familiar with. It frames off that phenomenon from the flow of everyday life, and it does that—even if you’re a Kaprowian and you say that art is part of everyday life—no. It abstracts that phenomenon from everyday life, it tends to render that phenomenon largely symbolic, it tends to render that phenomenon an object of reflection and contemplation, it tends to frame it within a particular history of cultural practice that is not a political history, it tends to frame it in the context of a structure, of a field that’s fundamentally competitive and aims toward a certain kind of position-making or position-taking, rather than realized action in the world. It has particular effects. So from my perspective, there are certain things that I do that I don’t want to call art—I don’t want them to be seen as art because it actually limits the potential impact that it has.”
Fraser’s dogs were barking in the background. “I’m sorry, I have to go now.”
The lobby of the Whitney Museum had become hazy with sage smoke. Suddenly, an alarm was sounding from somewhere in the building; sirens howled. People screamed.
“Fire, fire to the colonizer,” the crowd chanted, with two woodblocks keeping the beat.
“Amin!” Dhillon called to Husain, and pointed to a scrum of firemen who were charging into the lobby. Outside, fire trucks were lined up along the edge of Gansevoort Street with police cars behind them, and dozens of officers standing next to their vehicles.
“You can’t light this in here,” said a gray-haired fireman, reaching toward a smoldering brazier of sage.
“Stop, I got it! Don’t touch it,” a protestor snapped.
Tensions were mounting. There were about a hundred protestors in the lobby; for a mass arrest, you need three police officers per demonstrator—if they know how to resist. How many were outside?
“Mic check!” Husain called. He repeated himself twice more, echoed by the crowd. “We’re taking this outside!” he declared, as much to the firefighters and police as to his fellow demonstrators.
“We’re taking this outside!” the crowd returned.
“Can we please, with music?” he asked.
A samba beat burst from a portable speaker and the mood suddenly turned jubilant. Most of the words were lost on me, but I picked out “den tema de los migrantes” or “given the topic of migrants.” Accompanied by drummers and somebody with cowbell, the crowd marched out the way they’d come in, dancing and shouting, “Decolonize! This museum!”
The crowd danced on the steps of the Whitney and then begin to disperse, while other protestors handed out fliers. Some museum-goers crossed their arms and refused to read anything given them; others, intrigued, asked about the protest as they waited in line. A few firefighters were standing in front of their engines, quizzically scanning the pamphlets, trying to figure out what had just occurred.
This demonstration was meant to illustrate a connection that feels elusive in everyday life; what binds together the Mexico–United States border, Ferguson, Standing Rock, Taksim Square, and the Gaza Strip? These sites of injustice are separated by geography and the particularities of history, but they were explicitly connected by those plumes of tear gas and sage smoke, which I could still smell on my jacket. The theory of decolonization is abstract, but here was a visualization.
By any measure, these are the kinds of questions most artists want to provoke in their viewers, to create an encounter that leaves people changed. That this encounter took the form of a protest rather than a painting seems beside the point. Aesthetically, it was a rich experience; politically, it shifted my perspective. With spring returning to New York, DTP will be back at the Whitney for nine weeks of more action leading up to the Biennial in May, starting Friday, March 22. Decolonize This Place wants nothing less than “institutional liberation,” yet it remains to be seen whether these artists can create change at the Whitney. The answer will depend on the museum staff, the artists in their collection, the trustees, the members, and the public, which is to say, all of us.
Daniel Penny writes about art and culture at The New Yorker, Boston Review, and elsewhere. He teaches writing and visual culture at Parsons School of Design.
From <https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/2019/03/22/the-artist-activists-decolonizing-the-whitney-museum/>
#whitney (2020) Reprisal for Board Member Ouster
#Whitney Protest FT | Former Nazi hunter accuses Whitney Museum of smear campaign
; London (May 18, 2020).
A former Nazi hunter is calling on US authorities to strip the Whitney Museum of American Art of its tax-exempt status over its handling of protests that led a tear gas manufacturer to resign from its board last year.
Neal Sher, who prosecuted war criminals as director of the Justice Department’s Office of Special Investigations in the 1980s and 1990s, has written to the Internal Revenue Service “on behalf of contributors to and former officials of” the New York cultural institution.
In his letter, Mr Sher alleges that officers and staff members of the museum “orchestrated and acquiesced in a concerted smear campaign against Warren Kanders”, the former board member, and that they were supported by the Whitney’s director, Adam Weinberg.
Activists including the group Decolonize This Place protested at Mr Kanders’ role as chairman and chief executive of Safariland, a law enforcement supplier whose tear gas canisters have been used to disperse migrants attempting to cross the US-Mexican border and by Israelin the Palestinianterritories.
The Whitney’s leaders “appeased” the protesters, Mr Sher says in his letter, and its board “legitimised, endorsed and capitulated to unlawful and illicit conduct” by pushing Mr Kanders to resign.
Mr Sher said the IRS had not responded to his letter, but losing its exemption from taxes under section 501 (c) (3) of the US tax code would represent a harsh financial penalty for a museum whose doors have been closed since mid-March because of coronavirus.
The Whitney, whose collection includes works from Edward Hopper, Jasper Johns, Joan Mitchell and Georgia O’Keeffe, last month laid off 76 of its 420 workers, reportedly telling staff that it faced a budget shortfall of $7m.
Like other museums around the world, its revenues from ticket sales — which accounted for $13.5m of its $92m revenues in the year to June 2019 — have halted. The fall in stock markets is also likely to have hit its endowment, and several museums are struggling to maintain their usual pace of fundraising.
Spokesmen for the Whitney and Mr Kanders declined to comment. Mr Sher, who knows several people in the art world from having worked on the restitution of art works seized by the Nazis, told the Financial Times that he had contacted Mr Kanders and other donors to the museum but was acting on his own.
The museum’s leaders had “allowed their museum to be hijacked by these provocateurs who had a political agenda that had nothing to do with the mission of the Whitney”, Mr Sher said.
Asked why he was targeting the museum’s tax status, he replied: “I’ve been around long enough to know that in order to get things done you have to know where to appropriately apply pressure.” When the IRS investigated such complaints, “they get under the fingernails,” he noted.
This weekend, Mr Sher aired his concerns in another letter, which he sent to seven of the museum’s trustees, led by chairman emeritus LeonardLauder.
“The silence from the Whitney is deafening,” he wrote. “The art-going public and donors deserve an explanation as well as assurances that the museum will faithfully adhere to its charitable purpose and not be used as a tool by others to advance renegade agendas.”
Mr Sher, who also served as executive director of the American IsraelPublic Affairs Committee in the mid-1990s and represented victims of the 2009 shooting at the Fort Hood military base, said he was not looking to ruin the Whitney.
“It’s not my objective to throw anybody over the edge. I’ve gone to the Whitney any number of times,” he said, but he said he was seeking to deter other institutions from following the Whitney’s example.
“Unless the IRS makes clear that similar behaviour by leaders and staff will jeopardise the tax-exempt status of their institution, there undoubtedly will be comparable campaigns by political ‘activists’ against other targets,” Mr Sher wrote to the US tax authorities, adding: “That would make a mockery of the important public policy underlying the granting of tax exempt status.”
In an interview with the Financial Times in January, MrKandersargued that the US government should have the right to step in and “do something” about the anti-Semitism he saw in the protests, regardless of any free speech arguments.
“The idea that what’s not right should now become right because it’s in the context of a museum, that’s not right,” he said.
Crédito: Andrew Edgecliffe-Johnson in New York
Word count: 737
Copyright The Financial Times Limited May 18, 2020
Edgecliffe-Johnson, A. (2020). Former nazi hunter accuses whitney museum of smear campaign. FT.Com, Retrieved from http://ezproxy.lapl.org/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/trade-journals/former-nazi-hunter-accuses-whitney-museum-smear/docview/2404179534/se-2
2020 DID THE WHITNEY MUSEUM ABUSE ITS TAX-EXEMPT STATUS? AN ATTORNEY'S ARGUMENT
; New York Vol. 32, Iss. 3, (Nov/Dec 2020): 25-28.
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Abstract
In May 2020 I lodged a complaint, accompanied with detailed evidence, with the Internal Revenue Service alleging that The Whitney Museum of American Art had engaged in conduct which was illegal (including providing support for terrorist activities), against public policy, and far afield from the charitable purpose upon which its Section 501(c)(3) designation had been granted. Not only did they promote and enable illegal behavior, the campaign against Kanders was completely unrelated to the Whitney's charitable purpose. Since such determinations are necessarily fact-bound, more details of the conduct in question are in order: Here, the anti-Kanders "activists" committed acts of trespassing, vandalism, destruction of museum property, and the issuance of illegal threats. [...]rather than saving government expenditures, authorities were forced to expend resources to enforce the laws which had been broken with the Whitney's encouragement. [...]there can be no legitimate question that museum leadership and senior staff, particularly Director Weinberg, Assistant Curator Hockley, and Messrs. Lauder, Hurst, and DiMar-tini, were well aware of, and in violation of, their duties owed to the museum and its
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In May 2020 I lodged a complaint, accompanied with detailed evidence, with the Internal Revenue Service alleging that The Whitney Museum of American Art had engaged in conduct which was illegal (including providing support for terrorist activities), against public policy, and far afield from the charitable purpose upon which its Section 501(c)(3) designation had been granted. I urged the Service to investigate whether the museum's tax-exempt status should be revoked.
The museum defines its charitable mission as follows:
"[a]s the preeminent institution devoted to the art of the United States, the Whitney Museum of American Art presents the full range of twentieth-century and contemporary American art, with a special focus on works by living artists. The Whitney is dedicated to collecting, preserving, interpreting, and exhibiting American art, and its collection - arguably the finest holding of twentieth-century American art in the world - is the Museum's key resource. The Museum's signature exhibition, the Biennial, is the country's leading survey of the most recent developments in American art."1
It is axiomatic that the Whitney's 501(c)(3) status hinges on the museum's operating exclusively for that charitable purpose.
Submitted with the complaint was substantial public domain evidence demonstrating that Whitney Board of Trustees members, officers, and a sizeable number of staff members - supported by the Director, Adam Weinberg , Chairman Emeritus LeonardLauder, Executive Committee Chairman Robert Hurst, and Chairman Richard DeMartini - knowingly engaged in conduct which was flagrantly at odds with the Whitney's charitable purpose. Specifically, they orchestrated and participated in a concerted smear campaign against Warren Kanders, a member of the Board and Vice-Chairman and a significant contributor to the museum, in order to advance a transparently political agenda which had no relevance whatsoever to the museum's charitable purpose.
Most significantly, this campaign was punctuated by unlawful conduct, including acts of trespassing, vandalism, destruction of museum property, and intimidation and harassment of and illegal threats directed at Mr. Kanders and his family. It was indisputable that the Board members and staff involved were well aware of, and actively participated in, such ultra vires behaviour. Breaching the fundamental duty owed to the museum, the Board legitimized, endorsed, and capitulated to such unlawful conduct that ultimately forced Mr. Kanders to resign in order to ensure his and his family's safety. The staff of the museum, most notably Mr. Weinberg but also Assistant Curator and 2019 Biennial Co-Curator Rujeko Hockley, actively participated in a politically motivated activity. In so doing, I argued to the IRS, they disqualified the Whitney from enjoying tax-exempt status.
The case for disqualification rests on well-established principles governing tax-exempt organizations, including the widely cited Rev. Rul. 80-278,2 which the IRS relies on to determine whether conduct is permissible under Section 501(c) (3). Of particular significance to the Whitney case are the requirements that the activities (1) "are not illegal, contrary to a clearly defined and established public policy...." and (2) "are in furtherance of the organization's exempt purpose and are reasonably related to the accomplishment of that purpose." In my complaint to the IRS, I argued that the behavior of the museum's leadership and staff failed both of these tests. Not only did they promote and enable illegal behavior, the campaign against Kanders was completely unrelated to the Whitney's charitable purpose.
Since such determinations are necessarily fact-bound, more details of the conduct in question are in order: The chief outside agitator and ringleader was one Amin Husain, the leader of the group Decolonize This Place ("DTP"). Whitney leadership was aware of his widely publicized reputation as an aggressive political provocateur, who proudly engaged in disruptive and illegal conduct to further his causes with the encouragement and approval of the Whitney Board, administration, and staff.3 In fact, Husain had been a student at the Whitney Independent Study Program.
DTP continues on its extremist and anarchistic crusade and was central to a July 31, 2020 "day of action," which resulted in the attempted murder of two New York City police officers. Indeed, DTP continues to use as its Twitter profile picture an image of a police officer being assaulted, carrying an obscene anti-police moniker.
In addition, Husain and DTP coordinated the inclusion of a non-American radical, politically motivated organization, Forensic Architecture (run by Eyal Weizman, based at Goldsmiths, University of London, who is neither an American artist, citizen, nor resident), which was invited to submit a video installation, titled Triple Chaser, for inclusion in the 2019 Biennial. Forensic Architecture publicly and proudly admits that its initial involvement in the Kanders matter was prompted by DTP.
The installation - requested and paid for by the Whitney - accelerated the attacks and threats against Mr. Kanders. And indeed, following my submission to the IRS in May 2020, Whitney Assistant Curator and 2019 Biennial Co-Curator Ru-jeko Hockley admitted in an interview dated July 17, 2020 with Opal Tometi of InStyle Magazine that she utilized her position to propagate the attacks on Mr. Kanders for political reasons.4 None of these activities represent the furtherance of or are reasonably related to the Whitney's expressed charitable purpose.
Furthermore, Husain and Weizman have appeared on numerous platforms together - often advocating for and expressing anarchistic and anti-Semitic sentiments. Indeed, in February 2020 (before the pandemic) Weizman was refused entry to the United States on security grounds.
I provided the IRS in graphic and extensive detail the violent tactics of Decolonize This Place and Amin Husain, and their unabashed advocacy for civil unrest, armed uprisings against police, and dissemination of militant and anti-U.S. propaganda. I also provided the Service with evidence of Husain and DTP's illegal activity, including the leveling of threats against Mr Kanders and his family, all of which was enabled by the Whitney's leadership and staff.
Not surprisingly, Husain and DTP call for the violent destruction of Israel, a staunch ally of the United States, and have close ties with designated terrorist groups such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Those positions are in clear contravention of long-standing U.S. public policy opposing terrorist organizations and those that fund them.
I also demonstrated how the gang leading the attack against Mr. Kanders had hijacked the tragic death of George Floyd to pursue its anarchist goals, just as they had hijacked the Whitney. That the Whitney leadership would join forces with these "activists" is an outrageous breach of fiduciary responsibility, and I urged the Service to so conclude.
It is worth noting that, in addition to reaping the benefits of its 501(c)(3) status, the Whitney seeks and accepts considerable federal, state, and city funding, which compounds the issues at stake because the acceptance of these funds gives the federal government direct standing vis-[agrave] -vis the Whitney Museum's utilization of these funds in accordance with federal law. Similar circumstances exist in a recently announced investigation into Princeton University by the Department of Education into compliance with Title VI, prohibiting racial discrimination by institutions that accept federal funds. In that case, the federal government has standing because Princeton, through its admission of ongoing "systemic racism" at the school, has invited review of representations that the university did not engage in discrimination of any kind when accepting federal funds.
In the case of Princeton, there is a healthy, honest discussion to be had about what "systemic" or "structural" racism means, and whether admitting its existence and taking steps to address a problem means illegal discrimination is ongoing. The issues with the Whitney, however, are more clear. In accepting federal, state, and city funding, and because of its preferential 501(c)(3) standing, the government has standing to review the Whitney's activities. By inviting, encouraging, and endorsing the participation of Forensic Architecture (at the urging of DTP), the Whitney transferred public monies to a group that promotes anti-Semitism and whose leadership is considered a threat to the country's security. These are hardly activities which, under Rev. Rul. 80-278, "are in furtherance of the organization's exempt purpose and are reasonably related to the accomplishment of that purpose." This is not a legitimate use of taxpayer money at any time, but it is outrageously egregious during the present budget crisis.
Returning to fundamental principles, an underlying premise of granting 501(c)(3) benefits - to both the institution and its donors - is that the charity is performing a service which otherwise the government would perform, thereby saving taxpayer dollars. The flip side of that coin is that the government should not support an organization engaged in illegal conduct which the government is obligated to prevent. Here, the anti-Kanders "activists" committed acts of trespassing, vandalism, destruction of museum property, and the issuance of illegal threats. Thus, rather than saving government expenditures, authorities were forced to expend resources to enforce the laws which had been broken with the Whitney's encouragement.
Moreover, there can be no legitimate question that museum leadership and senior staff, particularly Director Weinberg, Assistant Curator Hockley, and Messrs. Lauder, Hurst, and DiMar-tini, were well aware of, and in violation of, their duties owed to the museum and its supporters, and acquiesced in and encouraged these illegalities.
I have twice written to the Whitney Board about these issues. Not surprisingly I have heard nothing from them, nor, to my knowledge, have they made any public response to the news that the complaint had been filed. One would expect, or at least hope, that Whitney's leadership understood that these are serious matters and that they are not immune from rules governing all tax-exempt organizations. That they guide one of the world's most prominent cultural institutions does not give them a pass.
I suspect that their behavior towards Mr. Kanders and the appeasement of a band of known scoundrels reflects not just weakness, but a dangerous sense of arrogance. They should have understood that those who support the Whitney - including the government - have every right to expect, indeed to demand, that their donations be used for legitimate charitable purposes, rather than be hijacked to advance unrelated political causes.
It is not my objective here to make my case as if in a court of law, although I certainly believe I could do so. I believe the issues raised have serious legal and public policy implications. My complaint and supporting documentation provide the IRS with much, very much, to chew on. The Service is in a position fully to vet all the factual and legal issues raised; I trust it will do so.
Finally, I would add there is a cautionary tale to this matter which, left unchecked, undermines the intent of the public policy the IRS is empowered to regulate. Those who nefariously pushed for and succeeded in effectuating Mr. Kanders' resignation - working as they did with notorious political provocateurs whose agenda could not be further from the Whitney's mission - brazenly have been emboldened by their "success." This was confirmed and underscored by Husain in a speech he delivered in Ramalah after his provocations at the Whitney. He left no doubt that he and his cohorts intended to build on his "victory" and would target other 501(c)(3) institutions with which he had political disagreements.
There undoubtedly will be campaigns by political "activists" against other individual targets and institutions in the future which may be protected on free speech grounds. The distinguishing characteristic and lesson from the Whitney, however, relates to the complicity and participation of an institution's leaders and staff. Unless the IRS makes clear that similar behavior by leaders and staff will jeopardize the tax-exempt status of their institution, the IRS would be making a mockery of the important public policy underlying the granting of tax-exempt status.
Sidebar
NEAL M. SHER is an attorney practicing in New York. Previously, he served for many years as the Director of the office in the U.S. Justice Department responsible for investigating and prosecuting Nazi criminals.
An attorney argues that the IRS should consider revoking a New York art museum's tax-exempt status because of the museum's alleged improper conduct and violation of its charitable purpose.
Footnote
1 Source: Charity Navigator.
2 Rev. Rul. 80-278, 1980-2 CB 175 .
3 Husain and DTP entered the lobby of the Whitney Museum on ten different occasions following pre-planned coordination with Whitney personnel between December 2018 and May 2019, violating numerous rules and regulations for visitors including those prohibiting the burning of materials, unpermitted group gatherings on private property, bringing outside food and beverage into the Museum, and the playing of musical instruments. By contrast, when DTP attempted to enter other institutions in New York around the same period of time, including the Metropolitan Museum, the Museum of Modern Art, and Natural History Museum, and the lobby gallery of the Ford Foundation building, in each case the museums refused them entrance or shut down ahead of their arrival.
4 For those concerned about the First Amendment implications of this case, as a private institution, even one open to the public, the Whitney is under no obligation to allow its public lobby to be used as a meeting space for political activities or otherwise protected exercises of free speech. In Clark vs. Community for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288 (1984), the Supreme Court held that publicly held land was not obligated to be offered for free speech activities if the government's interest in maintaining the space was substantial and its rules narrow enough to justify exclusion of certain types of speech. More recently, in 2011 Judge Michael Stallman ruled in a New York State court that Occupy Wall Street protestors did not have a First Amendment right to occupy Zuccotti Park, which is privately owned by Brookfield Properties, in a manner that contradicts the rules established by said landlord and to the detriment of other users. Waller v. City of New York, 34 Misc.3d 371, 933 N.Y.S.2d 541 (NY Supreme Court, New York County, 2011).
Word count: 2298
Copyright Thomson Reuters (Tax & Accounting) Inc Nov/Dec 2020
#NEXTDOC===============
2024 NYU Prof Suspended | Amin Husain
#whitney Israel-Hamas war coverage
A professor who received online criticism over his remarks on media coverage of the Israel-Hamas war was recently suspended from his position.
Bruna Horvath, News Editor
January 29, 2024
(Courtesy of Amin Husain)
Gallatin professor Amin Husain, a longtime pro-Palestinian activist, was suspended from his position last week after a video of him criticizing media coverage of Hamas amid Israel’s war with the militant group surfaced online. Husain’s suspension follows a monthslong push for him to be removed from his position — an Oct. 17 petition demanding Husain’s removal “due to his promotion of hate speech against Jews” has garnered over 6,400 signatures.
Over a week prior to his suspension, NYU’s Office of Human Resources requested to meet with Husain, according to a written statement to WSN from the Parachute Project — the civil liberties organization representing Husain. HR then met with Husain twice, allegedly asking him questions about his “speech-related activities” and affiliation with Decolonize This Place — an advocacy group in support of Free Palestine, as well as Black liberation, Indigenous resurgence and de-gentrification — which Husain is reportedly a co-founder of.
Parachute Project also claimed that during Husain’s meetings, HR asked about DTP’s social media posts “relating to the war on Gaza.” HR informed Husain of allegations and complaints made against him, but “refused to provide further context,” according to the statement.
In the video, Husain called New York a “Zionist city” and said reports that Hamas militants are “rapists” and claims that they are “people that behead babies” are “not true” at a teach-in held by The New School’s chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine on Dec. 5. Husain has worked at the university as an adjunct professor since 2016, and was scheduled to teach two classes this semester, both of which have been canceled.
NYU spokesperson John Beckman announced Husain’s suspension in a Jan. 25 universitywide statement, which did not offer a reason for the suspension but referenced the university’s Non-Discrimination and Anti-Harassment policies. Beckman added that the university investigates all complaints it receives and takes “appropriate action,” which can include suspension.
On Jan. 23, students in Husain’s Social Justice Lab class received an email that the class had been canceled due to “unforeseen circumstances,” according to documents obtained by WSN. Five hours later, Husain sent an email to the class saying he had been suspended.
“He’s never overtly said anything antisemitic or against Jewish people,” a student enrolled in the class, who asked to remain anonymous due to safety concerns, said. “He’s just anti-Israel and anti-Zionist, which I think has been conflated as being hatred toward Jewish people, and especially at NYU, anything that is in support of Palestine is seen as being anti-Jewish, which is not true at all.”
The university uses the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism, which includes “the targeting of the state of Israel,” in its non-discrimination policies.
Husain was notified he would be suspended for the duration of an Office of Equal Opportunity investigation on Jan. 23. The notification came through two letters, one from the College of Arts & Science and another from the Steinhardt School of Culture, Education and Human Development, according to Parachute Project. Parachute Project also said the letters did not disclose “the nature of the allegations or complaints.”
Other incidents related to the Israel-Hamas war on campus have also resulted in disciplinary action from NYU. On Nov. 30, university president Linda Mills released a student conduct report revealing the university has reviewed over 90 conduct cases related to on-campus tensions over the war. Mills added that some cases ended in disciplinary action, including “significant suspensions.” Last semester, NYU suspended a student who was identified online after tearing down posters of Israeli hostages outside the Stern School of Business.
“[Husain] has never had student complaints. On the contrary, he is a popular teacher, which is why departments continue to call on him to offer courses,” the Parachute Project’s statement reads. “The administrative actions appear to be a clear violation of academic freedom.”
Contact Bruna Horvath at bhorvath@nyunews.com.
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About the Contributor
Bruna Horvath, News Editor
Bruna Horvath is a sophomore studying journalism and English at CAS. When she’s not a News Editor, she’s a "Gone Girl" enthusiast, a Goodreads lover, and a Barnes & Noble frequenter. You can usually find her ordering an iced mocha, telling people her name is “Bruna” not “Bruno,” or on Instagram @brunaahorvath.
From <https://nyunews.com/news/2024/01/29/pro-palestinian-professor-suspension/>
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2024jan25 #nyu Statement by NYU Spokesperson John Beckman Regarding Amin Husain
News Release
Jan 25, 2024
"To be clear, Mr. Husain has been suspended and is not currently teaching any classes at NYU.
"All members of our community must adhere to the University’s discrimination and anti-harassment policies; we investigate all complaints we receive and take appropriate action, which may include taking measures such as suspension."
-John Beckman
Press Contact
John Beckman
John Beckman
(212) 998-6848
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#nyu #whitney 2024 New York University suspends two professors for opposing Gaza genocide
4 February 2024
The New York University campus in New York City, on December 16, 2021. [AP Photo/Seth Wenig]
New York University (NYU) has suspended two adjunct professors for expressing opposition to the US-backed Israeli genocide in Gaza.
Amin Husain, a professor at NYU’s Gallatin School of Individualized Study, and Tomasz Skiba, a psychology professor at NYU’s Steinhardt School of Culture, Education and Human Development, have both been accused of violating the university’s Non-Discrimination and Anti-Harassment policies by making comments and social media posts denouncing the genocide and US imperialism’s support for it.
From <https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/02/05/bygj-f05.html>
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2024feb06 #whitney NYU 2,000+ Sign Letter of Support for Palestinian Professor Amin Husain
Walid Raad, Chloë Bass, and Ariella Aïsha Azoulay are among those calling on NYU to reinstate Husain, who was allegedly suspended over his pro-Palestine speech.
February 6, 2024
Amin Husain is the co-founder of arts and activist collective Decolonize This Place. (image courtesy Amin Husain)
Over 2,000 artists, cultural workers, scholars, and students have signed a letter in support of Amin Husain, the Palestinian adjunct professor at New York University (NYU) and co-founder of the art and activism movement Decolonize This Place (DTP) who was suspended from his teaching position last week, allegedly due to his pro-Palestine speech. The petition’s signatories include artists Walid Raad and Chloë Bass, scholars Robin D. G. Kelley and Ariella Aïsha Azoulay, and human rights attorney Noura Erakat.
The letter, published in its entirety at the end of this article, calls on NYU President Linda Mills to reinstate Husain and “urges the NYU administration to change course and stand on the right side of history.”
“As we witness the genocide unfolding in Palestine, measures of repression against pro-Palestinian speech around the world are intensifying,” the missive reads. “These attacks on speech (and speakers) reflect the ideology behind the logic of destruction inflicted on the cultural infrastructure of Palestine itself.”
According to a statement issued by the New York-based civil liberties group Parachute Project, Husain met with NYU’s Human Resources team on January 19 and 22 and was asked about his statements and affiliation with DTP in light of the group’s social media posts about Gaza. He was allegedly notified of unspecified complaints against him and informed of his suspension on January 23.
NYU spokesperson John Beckman issued a brief statement informing the college community of Husain’s suspension two days later.
“All members of our community must adhere to the University’s discrimination and anti-harassment policies; we investigate all complaints we receive and take appropriate action, which may include taking measures such as suspension,” Beckman said. On January 29, the school also suspended Clinical Psychology Professor Tomasz Skiba, also allegedly for his statements regarding Israel’s attacks on Palestine.
Hours before NYU’s public January 25 announcement, a video was circulated by the Free Press, run by cultural commentator and self-described Zionist Bari Weiss, showing Husain calling on his students to conduct their own research into Hamas’s 2017 charter and declaring New York a “Zionist city.” Right-wing news platforms proliferated the comments in a continuation of their unfavorable coverage of the DTP member dating back years.
The NYU branch of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), a nonprofit that advocates for the faculty and higher educational professionals in its ranks, penned a January 29 letter to the school criticizing Husain’s suspension, stating that “the nature of the complaint and status of the complainant have been kept from him, and so Professor Husain has not been able to defend himself.” The group sent a second letter on February 2 calling on NYU to reverse its decision. Culture and equity leaders as well as scholars, including eight NYU professors, sent the school 32 personal and collective letters, reviewed by Hyperallergic, in support of Husain. A petition first circulated in October by NYU alumna Sherrie Soleymani calling for Husain’s removal from the school’s faculty has almost 6,700 signatures.
Decolonize This Place has played an outsized role in museum protest movements in the last five years, including the 2019 ousting of Whitney Museum of American Art Vice Chair Warren Kanders over his connections to the tear gas business and most recently actions at the Brooklyn Museum calling on the institution to “take a stand against genocide.”
Read the full text of the letter in support of Amin Husain below.
Free Palestine, Decolonize This Place: A Statement in Support of Professor Amin Husain and Collective Speech Against Genocide
As we witness the genocide unfolding in Palestine, measures of repression against pro-Palestinian speech around the world are intensifying. Among the latest examples is the suspension last week of Professor Amin Husain from his long-standing adjunct teaching job at New York University for speech-related activity about the U.S.-funded war on Gaza. These attacks on speech (and speakers) reflect the ideology behind the logic of destruction inflicted on the cultural infrastructure of Palestine itself. Every university in Gaza has been destroyed, not to mention most libraries, archives, and bookstores. Museums have been looted, and cultural and religious sites decimated. Scholars, poets, students, artists, journalists, medics, doctors and at least two Palestinian college presidents are among the 26,000+ Palestinians assassinated.
This statement amplifies calls by students and colleagues to NYU president Linda Mills to immediately reinstate Professor Husain’s classes, Justice Lab and Art and the Practice of Freedom, and to issue an apology for having disregarded the students’ educational rights. More importantly, this statement is a call to each other to protect and strengthen our spaces of assembly, anti-colonial pedagogy and aesthetics.
Professor Husain has been teaching for a number of NYU departments since 2016. He is a popular teacher, which is why departments continue to call on him to offer courses. A week before classes were to start, Professor Husain was called to meetings with NYU Office of Human Resources, where he was questioned about speech-related activities and his affiliation with Decolonize This Place (DTP), an art-based collective. The officers referred to DTP’s social media and brought up posts relating to the war on Gaza, indicating there were allegations and complaints but refusing to provide further context. Hours before Professor Husain’s first class was set to begin on Tuesday January 23, the class was canceled by the administration, leaving students at a loss without explanation. NYU publicly announced his suspension in a statement given to the press, which was then sensationalized by media outlets that published doxxing articles with malicious intent. The administrative actions appear to be a clear violation of academic freedom because off-campus speech is fully protected from retaliation by an employer according to the American Association of University Professors’ (AAUP) principles of academic freedom.
Professor Husain’s situation is egregious, but not unique. Many NYU students have also been suspended, and other faculty members have been interrogated and cautioned. In the words of Shay Negron, an attorney for the Parachute Project, a civil liberties organization representing Amin and others who are facing repression on campus, “A new form of McCarthyism, in which accusations of anti-Semitism take the place of charges of pro-Communism, has been creeping to the fore for many years, but greatly accelerated after October 7. Among the faculty and students we are representing at a variety of universities, we are seeing accusations of anti-Semitism based on uses of the phrases and terms ‘settler colonialism’, ‘genocide’ and ‘Zionist’. First Amendment-protected speech critical of a nation-state, Israel, is now routinely punished and chilled. We are dedicated to assisting Professor Husain and our other clients re-establish their rights of academic freedom and free speech and to oppose all attempts to destroy their reputations and careers.”
The crackdown on pro-Palestinian speech in the university aims to prevent people from seeing each other and learning together; it is a war on our collective intellect, memory, and imagination. Repressive measures are also an attack on people’s livelihood and material condition, entangling us further with bureaucratic and legal mechanisms that sap energy away from doing the work and caring for each other. In these ways, the university acts to extend and normalize an ongoing genocide and settler-colonial occupation, which it upholds most explicitly at the ground level by maintaining a satellite campus in Tel Aviv.
Classes are canceled. Students are assembling. Faculty are opening their homes to foster and support, rather than regulate and suppress, study. Unions are stepping up to defend academic workers. The unsavory power of Zionist trustees and donors is being publicly exposed and called out. Artists and cultural workers are making the connections between museum boards, empire and genocide. We are taking action in the places where we are, standing with each other across institutions, movements, and borders, cultivating our interconnected struggles with Free Palestine as our compass.
We urge the NYU administration to change course and stand on the right side of history. End the punishment, policing, and silencing of all students, faculty, and staff speaking out against genocide, and redress the harm already done.
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Elaine Velie is a writer from New Hampshire living in Brooklyn. She studied Art History and Russian at Middlebury College and is interested in art's role in history, culture, and politics. More by Elaine Velie
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