Meir Bin-Shabbat-Bibi confidante and former National Security Council Chief of Staff, National Security Advisor, and Head of Misgav Think Tank allows he public release of plan (now removed) for forcible transfer of Gazans to Egypt. His staffer attached the proposal to a Tweet stating:
“There is no doubt that in order for this plan [of forcible transfer of Gazans to Egypt] to be realized, many conditions must exist concurrently. Currently, these conditions are optimal, and it is unclear when another such an opportunity will arise, if ever.”
-Israeli Zionist & Security think tank, Misgav INSZL tweet - 17 October 2023
Clear Intent to Commit Genocide-Nakba 2.0
Bibi's Lesson from 9/11: Total Success. "He got EXACTLY what he wanted; Destruction of Iraq with US doing Bibi's bidding free-of-charge. US paid the price.
Feature Guest | MBS Discusses his plans for Genocide (see Contents below)
I. BIBI THINKS CONGRESS AND THE PRESIDENT ARE STUPID...GULLIBLE.
Duplicity & Hypocrisy | Hobbesian-Schmitt Cynical Deception & Contempt for Humanity
Terrorist Finance Minister Smotrich - Hamas is an Asset, PA is a Liability
Israel's Finance Minister openly explains why "Hamas is an ASSET" to #Israel's gov while "the Palestinian Authority is a burden"! | 2015
Netanyahu caught bragging in leaked video from 2001 - I foiled peace process; I created 'security buffers.' U.S. so easily manipulated. Their kind of stupid.
CONTENTS
ISRAEL ADMITS INTENTION TO COMMIT GENOCIDE | BIBI leaked Video | SUCCEEDS IN HOLOCAUSTING & Pogromming
#2 Genocidal Eliminatiionist Language spoken by Israeli Officials - Demonstration of Intention to Commit Crime of Genocide
Officials Making Genocidal Statements
Bibi Confidante, fmr. National Security Advisor & Chief of Staff for National Security Council
Examples of Intent-Continued
II. The Day After Revealed -
Gazans (2.2 million terrorists) all Dead; West Bank Annexed; Regional War
Up Next: Bomb Iran (with U.S. doing the work just like Iraq 2.0), War to Claim more territory with Lebanon, Egypt, Syria, Etc b/c scared little Israelis need to land grab to cure their covetous, homicidal, narcissitic sociopathic existential Nazi crises!
Israel is of Course Blameless; to Say Otherwise is "Anti-Semitic" and results in your Cancellation b/c Zio-Cons are Pathetic Pussies
PICTURE GALLERY-->scroll
PICTURE GALLERY-->scroll
BASIC PROBLEM: ZIONISTS DON'T BELIEVE IN BORDERS
The Objective has always been FORCED removal or extermination of indigenous population, Especially for Uber-Ultra-Zionists
Zionism aspired for the Jews to assert their “folk personality” to become one of what Europeans then called “civilized nations.” The distinction between civilized nations and others contained the essence of colonialism. In his manifesto, The Jewish State (1896), Herzl wrote, “We [the Jewish state in Palestine] should there form a portion of a rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed to barbarism.” That concept of salvation as domination ultimately proved to be yet another false messiah. ---Barnett R. Rubin. False Messiahs, How Zionism’s dreams of liberation became entangled with colonialism. The Boston Review. 4 Jan 2024
III. BULLIED & DUPED REAGAN into Believing Refugee Camps were Full of Terrorists (trope)--
FALSE STATEMENT...Result--MASSACRE...U.S. Troops Deployed & Killed...
ISRAELI DEFENSE MINISTER ARIEL SHARON DIRECTED the MASSACRE OF AROUND 3,000 CIVILIANS in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in September 1982. He had ZERO remorse. See TULPPP Zionist Terrorism
Beirut Deja Vu All Over Again-U.S. Troops Killed, Massacres, Etc.
“We are partially responsible” because “we took the Israelis and the Lebanese at their word.” He summoned Ambassador Arens. “When you take military control over a city, you’re responsible for what happens,” he told him. “Now we have a massacre.” - Secretary of State, George Shultz (see article attached) - A Preventable Massacre, NYT 012sep16 NYT Opinion
While Israel’s role in the [1982 Sabra and Shatila massacre has been closely examined, America’s actions have never been fully understood. This summer, at the Israel State Archives, I found recently declassified documents that chronicle key conversations between American and Israeli officials before and during the 1982 massacre.
The verbatim transcripts reveal that the Israelis misled American diplomats about events in Beirut and bullied them into accepting the spurious claim that thousands of “terrorists” were in the camps. Most troubling, when the United States was in a position to exert strong diplomatic pressure on Israel that could have ended the atrocities, it failed to do so.
As a result, Phalange militiamen were able to murder Palestinian civilians, whom America had pledged to protect just weeks earlier. - A Preventable Massacre, NYT 2012sep16 NYT Opinion
Nixon | No Srategic Value to the United States
So why loan, donate, risk U.S. lives for Israel? The Moral Commitment to the "Holocaust" and because its a "Democracy" (but it's an Apartheid
Truman on Israel
Chastises Eisenhower, says Nasser should be run into Sudan
Video 3min 10sec | Library version
Truman's Frustration with Pushy, Greedy, Self-Serving, Narcissistic U.S. Zionist Leaders | Realtor in the Sky (Vidal)
Prefatory Remark RE Truman's scathing Letter about Self-Absorbed Greedy covetous Velociraptors impersonating Jews. As we can see how the Zionist Master Race is exerting pressure on College Campuses through totalitarian means of state security, it's not hard to imagine Truman's frustration with a group who felt entitled to colonize all of Palestine (and then some) with no regard for indigenous inhabitants. Zionist velociraptors have bullied and lied to U.S. Presidents; threatened Jewish politicians refusing to support Apartheid Occupation; had Jewish students and faculty arrested across the country for support human rights for all people in Palestine (not just Jews)...Just be a person who claims Jewish identity cries anti-semitic doesn't mean their definition of anti-semitism has any merit---often, they're just shilling for the terrorist Bibi regime or saying they give up an argument and throw down their Semitic "Spade" Trump card. These kinds of people are velociraptors pretending to speak for all Jews---they don't.
President Harry Truman | Diary Entry on the Question of Palestine, Creating a Jewish "homeland"
'6:00 P.M. Monday July 21, 1947.
Had ten minutes conversation with Henry Morgenthau about Jewish ship in Palistine [sic]. Told him I would talk to Gen[eral George] Marshall about it.''
He'd no business, whatever to call me.
The Jews have no sense of proportion, nor do they have any judgement on world affairs.
Henry brought a thousand Jews to New York on a supposedly temporary basis and they stayed.''
''When the country went backward -- and Republican in the election of 1946, this incident loomed large on the D[isplaced] P[ersons] program.''
''The Jews, I find are very, very selfish. They care not how many Estonians, Latvians, Finns, Poles, Yugoslavs or Greeks get murdered or mistreated as DP as long as the Jews get special treatment. Yet when they have power, physical, financial or political neither Hitler nor Stalin has anything on them for cruelty or mistreatment to the under dog.''
''Put an underdog on top and it makes no difference whether his name is Russian, Jewish, Negro, Management, Labor, Mormon, Baptist he goes haywire. I've found very, very few who remember their past condition when prosperity comes.''
Look at the Congress attitude on D.P. – and they all come from DPs.
Sources <https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/truman-diary-entry-disparages-jews> from <https://www.trumanlibrary.gov/library/research-files/david-niles-harry-s-truman>
https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/US-Israel/truman_diary_072147.jpg
https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/US-Israel/truman_diary_072147a.jpg
https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/US-Israel/truman_diary_072147d.jpg
Memo RE David Niles (jewish and committed zionist) to Harry S. Truman, May 12, 1947 (saying Arabs backed HItler, as did Ledi not mentioned)
Niles and Israel | Niles was a committed Zionist and was important in providing access to the White House for American Zionists.[6]
Niles' efforts on behalf of Jewish statehood earned him the support and praise of such figures as Chaim Weizmann and Moshe Sharett. Upon the establishment of the State of Israel and the opening of an Israeli embassy in Washington, Niles became close with Ambassador Eliahu Eilat as well as his successor Abba Eban. Niles was active in American Jewish communal politics. Along with his involvement in the United Jewish Appeal, he also maintained friendships with influential Jewish leaders such as Rabbi Stephen S. Wise and Abram L. Sachar, along with Jewish supreme court justices Louis D. Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter. From <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Niles>
Gore Vidal | FOREWORD TO THE 1st EDITION, Jewish History, Jewish Religion: The Weight of 3,000 Years,
by Gore Vidal
Vidal, Gore, and ISRAEL SHAHAK. “FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION.” Jewish History, Jewish Religion: The Weight of Three Thousand Years, 2nd ed., Pluto Press, 2008, pp. vi–viii. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt183q63d.3. Accessed 16 May 2024.
$2 million for TRUMAN to Whistle for Zionism!
Sometime in the late 1950s, that world-class gossip and occasional historian, John F. Kennedy, told me how, in 1948, Harry S.Truman had been pretty much abandoned by everyone when he came to run for president. Then an American Zionist brought him two million dollars in cash, in a suitcase, aboard his whistle-stop campaign train. ‘That’s why our recognition of Israel was rushed through so fast.’ As neither Jack nor I was an antisemite
(unlike his father and my grandfather) we took this to be just another funny story about Truman and the serene corruption of American politics.
Unfortunately, the hurried recognition of Israel as a state has resulted in forty-five years of murderous confusion, and the destruction of what Zionist fellow travellers thought would be a pluralistic state – home to its native population of Muslims,Christians and Jews, as well as a future home to peaceful European and American Jewish immigrants, even the ones who affected to believe that the great realtor in the sky had given them, in perpetuity, the lands of Judea and Samaria. Since many of the immigrants were good socialists in Europe, we assumed that they would not allow the new state to become a theocracy, and that the native Palestinians could live with them as equals.
This was not meant to be. I shall not rehearse the wars and alarms of that unhappy region. But I will say that the hasty invention of Israel has poisoned the political and intellectual life of the USA, Israel’s unlikely patron.
Unlikely, because no other minority in American history has ever hijacked so much money from the American taxpayers in order to invest in a ‘homeland’. It is as if the American taxpayer had been obliged to support the Pope in his reconquest of the Papal States simply because one third of our people are Roman Catholic. Had this been attempted, there would have been a great uproar and Congress would have said no. But a religious minority of less than two per cent has bought or intimidated seventy senators (the necessary two thirds to overcome an unlikely presidential veto) while enjoying support of the media. In a sense, I rather admire the way that the Israel lobby has gone about its business of seeing that billions of dollars, year after year, go to make Israel a ‘bulwark against communism’. Actually, neither the USSR nor communism was ever much of a presence in the region. What America did manage to do was to turn the once friendly Arab world against us. Meanwhile, the misinformation about what is going on in the Middle East has got even greater and the principal victim of these gaudy lies – the American taxpayer to one side – is American Jewry, as it is constantly bullied by such professional terrorists as Begin and Shamir.
Worse, with a few honourable exceptions, Jewish-American intellectuals abandoned liberalism for a series of demented alliances with the Christian
(anti-semitic) right and with the Pentagon–industrial complex. In 1985 one of them blithely wrote that when Jews arrived on the American scene they ‘found liberal opinion and liberal politicians more congenial in their attitudes, more sensitive to Jewish concerns’ but now it is in the Jewish interest to ally with the Protestant fundamentalists because, after all, ‘is there any point in Jews hanging on, dogmatically, hypocritically, to their opinions of yesteryear?’ At this point the American left split and those of us who criticised our onetime Jewish allies for misguided opportunism, were promptly rewarded with the ritual epithet ‘antisemite’ or ‘self-hating Jew’.
Link to book
FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION
(pp. vi-viii)
Gore Vidal
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt183q63d.3
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt183q63d.3
From <https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt183q63d>
2003jul10 Harry Truman's Forgotten Diary - 1947 Writings Offer Fresh Insight on the President
By Rebecca Dana and Peter Carlson | July 10, 2003 | WASHINGTONPOST
"The Jews, I find are very, very selfish," President Harry S. Truman wrote in a 1947 diary that was recently discovered on the shelves of the Truman Library in Independence, Mo., and released by the National Archives yesterday.
Written sporadically during a turbulent year of Truman's presidency, the diary contains about 5,500 words on topics ranging from the death of his mother to comic banter with a British aristocrat. But the most surprising comments were Truman's remarks on Jews, written on July 21, 1947, after the president had a conversation with Henry Morgenthau, the Jewish former treasury secretary. Morgenthau called to talk about a Jewish ship in Palestine -- possibly the Exodus, the legendary ship carrying 4,500 Jewish refugees who were refused entry into Palestine by the British, then rulers of that land.
"He'd no business, whatever to call me," Truman wrote. "The Jews have no sense of proportion nor do they have any judgement [sic] on world affairs. Henry brought a thousand Jews to New York on a supposedly temporary basis and they stayed."
Truman then went into a rant about Jews: "The Jews, I find, are very, very selfish. They care not how many Estonians, Latvians, Finns, Poles, Yugoslavs or Greeks get murdered or mistreated as D[isplaced] P[ersons] as long as the Jews get special treatment. Yet when they have power, physical, financial or political neither Hitler nor Stalin has anything on them for cruelty or mistreatment to the under dog. Put an underdog on top and it makes no difference whether his name is Russian, Jewish, Negro, Management, Labor, Mormon, Baptist he goes haywire. I've found very, very few who remember their past condition when prosperity comes."
Yesterday, those comments startled scholars because Truman is known as a president who acted to help Jews in postwar Europe and who supported recognition of Israel in 1948, when his State Department opposed it.
"My reaction is: Wow! It did surprise me because of what I know about Truman's record," says Sara J. Bloomfield, director of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. "Truman's sympathy for the plight of Jews was very apparent."
But Truman's comments were, Bloomfield says, "typical of a sort of cultural anti-Semitism that was common at that time in all parts of American society. This was an acceptable way to talk."
"Truman was often critical, sometimes hypercritical, of Jews in his diary entries and in his correspondences, but this doesn't make him an anti-Semite," says John Lewis Gaddis, a professor of history at Yale University and a prominent Cold War scholar. "Anyone who played the role he did in creating the state of Israel can hardly be regarded in that way."
Throughout his presidency, which lasted from 1945 to 1953, Truman was a prolific but sporadic diarist, jotting down his thoughts in diary books and on loose pieces of paper. This newly discovered diary appeared in a book titled "The Real Estate Board of New York, Inc., Diary and Manual 1947." The book, which begins with 160 printed pages of information about the Real Estate Board, was donated to the Truman Library in 1965, seven years before his death, and has sat on shelves there ever since. Apparently its tedious title scared scholars away and nobody noticed Truman's handwritten comments in the diary section in the back of the book until recently, when a librarian reshelving books happened to see them.
"This is probably the most important document the Truman Library has opened in 20 years," Michael J. Devine, the library's director, said in a prepared statement. "Once again, in this diary, we are able to hear that strong personal voice that Truman almost always projected in his writings."
In one memorable entry, Truman recounts a meeting at which he offered to yield the 1948 Democratic presidential nomination to Gen. Dwight Eisenhower if Gen. Douglas MacArthur campaigned for the Republican nomination.
Truman's comments on Eisenhower and MacArthur came in an entry dated July 25, 1947, years before Truman's famous firing of Gen. MacArthur during the Korean War. In the entry, he wrote of a discussion that afternoon with Eisenhower, who was then Army chief of staff.
"We discussed MacArthur and his superiority complex," Truman wrote. "Ike & I think MacArthur expects to make a Roman Triumphal return to the U.S. a short time before the Republican Convention meets in Philadelphia. I told Ike that if he did that that he (Ike) should announce for the nomination for President on the Democratic ticket and that I'd be glad to be in second place, or Vice President. I like the Senate anyway. Ike & I could be elected and my family & myself would be happy outside this great white jail known as the White House."
Truman did not reveal how Eisenhower, who was elected president as a Republican in 1952, reacted to his suggestion. He did note that he and Ike agreed to keep quiet about it: "Ike won't quot [sic] me & I won't quote him."
But Eisenhower did tell the story to confidants, and it leaked out and was recounted in "Eisenhower," a 1983 biography by Stephen E. Ambrose.
"At the time, Truman's chances for reelection appeared to be nil," Ambrose wrote. "Eisenhower assumed that Truman wanted to use him to pull the Democrats out of an impossible situation. The general wanted nothing to do with the Democratic Party; his answer was a flat 'No.' "
Eisenhower sat out the 1948 election, as did MacArthur. Truman ran against New York Gov. Thomas Dewey and won a stunning upset victory.
The diary contains several other interesting Truman comments.
He had praise for Gen. George C. Marshall, whom he appointed secretary of state: "Marshall is, I think the greatest man of the World War II. He managed to get along with Roosevelt, the Congress, Churchill, the Navy and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and he made a grand record in China."
On Jan. 6, he wrote: "Read my annual message. It was good if I do say it myself. . . . Clark Clifford did most of the work. He's a nice boy and will go places."
In that comment, Truman proved prescient. Clifford, then a 40-year-old Truman aide, later became an aide to President John F. Kennedy, secretary of defense under Lyndon Johnson and a major Washington power broker until his death in 1998.
On March 7, he wrote: "Doc tell's [sic] me I have Cardiac Asthma! Aint that hell. Well it makes no diff, will go on as before. I've sworn him to secrecy! So What!"
On July 28 -- "terrible day" -- Truman wrote about his mother's funeral. "Along the road cars, trucks and pedestrians stood with hats off. It made me want to weep -- but I couldn't in public. I've read through thousands of messages from all over the world in the White House study and I can shed tears as I please -- no one's looking."
But Truman's famed plain-spoken wit is also evident in the diary. On July 4, after attending Independence Day festivities in Monticello, Va., he wrote a passage that can only be called Trumanesque:
"Mrs. Astor -- Lady Astor came to the car just before we started from Monticello to say to me that she liked my policies as President but that she thought I had become rather too much 'Yankee.' I couldnt help telling her that my purported 'Yankee' tendencies were not half so bad as her ultra conservative British leanings. She almost had a stroke."
The president's diary, written in the back of a book donated to the Truman Library in 1965, was discovered by a librarian reshelving books. Truman wrote of Jews disparagingly. Gen. Douglas MacArthur and Truman in October 1950. Of the general, Truman wrote: "We discussed MacArthur and his superiority complex."
2003jul14 nyt opinion w. Safire | Truman on Underdogs
By William Safire | July 14, 2003 nytimes
From <https://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/14/opinion/truman-on-underdogs.html>
A 5,500-word diary in President Harry Truman's handwriting, unnoticed for decades, recently turned up at the Truman Library in Independence, Mo. Three pages were mysteriously loose and interleaved in the journal.
On these detached and reinserted pages was this entry: ''6:00 P.M. Monday July 21, 1947. Had ten minutes conversation with Henry Morgenthau about Jewish ship in Palistine [sic]. Told him I would talk to Gen[eral George] Marshall about it.''
On that day, news reached the world that 4,500 Jewish refugees seeking entry to Palestine aboard the ship Exodus 1947 had been seized by British soldiers. These ''displaced persons'' had been placed on three vessels ostensibly headed to nearby Cyprus for detention until permitted entry to the Holy Land, where other Jews waited to welcome them. Instead, the homeless families, including a thousand children, were encaged on decks being taken back to a hostile Europe.
''He'd no business, whatever to call me,'' Truman wrote. Morgenthau, who had served as F.D.R.'s treasury secretary, was telephoning Truman as chairman of the United Jewish Appeal, and had an obligation to get through to the president to stop this further atrocity.
''The Jews have no sense of proportion,'' wrote the incensed Truman after he hung up, ''nor do they have any judgement on world affairs. Henry brought a thousand Jews to New York on a supposedly temporary basis and they stayed.'' These refugees were welcomed in Oswego, N.Y., just after the war, and Truman saw political implications in Gov. Thomas E. Dewey's support for Jewish immigration: ''When the country went backward -- and Republican in the election of 1946, this incident loomed large on the D[isplaced] P[ersons] program.''
Then the president vented his spleen on the ethnic group trying desperately to escape from Europe's hatred: ''The Jews, I find are very, very selfish. They care not how many Estonians, Latvians, Finns, Poles, Yugoslavs or Greeks get murdered or mistreated as DP as long as the Jews get special treatment. Yet when they have power, physical, financial or political neither Hitler nor Stalin has anything on them for cruelty or mistreatment to the under dog.''
After equating the cruelty of Jews with that of Hitler and Stalin, Truman waxed philosophic about ingratitude: ''Put an underdog on top and it makes no difference whether his name is Russian, Jewish, Negro, Management, Labor, Mormon, Baptist he goes haywire. I've found very, very few who remember their past condition when prosperity comes.''
Truman wrongly assumed that the plight of all of Europe's displaced was the same -- ignoring the ''special treatment'' Hitler had inflicted on the Jews of the Holocaust, resulting in six million murdered, genocide beyond all other groups' suffering. The homeless survivors now faced sullen populations of former neighbors who wanted no part of the Jews' return.
This diary outburst reflected a longstanding judgment about the ungrateful nature of the oppressed; in a letter to Eleanor Roosevelt, he repeated that ''Jews are like all underdogs. When they get on top they are just as intolerant and as cruel as the people were to them when they were underneath.''
Did this deep-seated belief affect Truman's policy about taking immigrants into the U.S., or in failing to urge the British to allow the Exodus refugees haven in Palestine? Maybe; when the National Archives release was front-paged last week in The Washington Post, historians and other liberals hastened to remind us that the long-buried embarrassing entry was written when such talk was ''acceptable.'' The director of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum dismissed it as ''typical of a sort of cultural anti-Semitism that was common at that time.''
For decades, I have refused to make such excuses to defend President Nixon for his slurs about Jews on his tapes. This is more dismaying.
Lest we forget, Harry Truman overruled Secretary of State George Marshall and beat the Russians to be first to recognize the state of Israel. The private words of Truman and Nixon are far outweighed by their pro-Israel public actions.
But underdogs of every generation must disprove Truman's cynical theory and have a duty to speak up. I asked Robert Morgenthau, the great Manhattan D.A., about Truman's angry diary entry, and he said, ''I'm glad my father made that call.''
2023may13 How a U.S. president known to disparage [SOME ANNOYING] Jews became godfather of Israel
by Gordon F. Sander | May 13, 2023 | washingtonpost.com
Seventy-five years ago Sunday, precisely on schedule at midnight, the first Jewish state in nearly 2,000 years was declared in Jerusalem.
Exactly 11 minutes later, the historic announcement was followed by another: The U.S. government had recognized that newborn state, called Israel.
The first announcement, which coincided with the end of the contentious British mandate over Palestine, was widely expected. The second was not, even for American officials. Some members of the U.S. delegation to the United Nations were so surprised by President Harry S. Truman’s decision that they broke into laughter:
Why would Truman, a pronounced antisemite, choose to become the American godfather of Israeli statehood?
Yet, of all the momentous decisions that fell to the 33rd U.S. president — dropping the atomic bomb, integrating the armed forces, going to war in Korea — Truman’s decision to recognize Israel stands out as perhaps the most misunderstood. The decision, which launched a fierce international alliance that today is being challenged, was in fact a long time coming.
Denigrations of Jews and the Jewish people were a running topic in Truman’s private correspondence with his wife and friends, as well as his conversations — particularly when he discussed Zionist leaders, and what he felt were their undue pressures on him as the end of the British mandate neared.
“In private,” David McCullough writes in “Truman,” his Pulitzer Prize-winning biography, “Truman was a man who still, out of old habits of the mouth, could use [an antisemitic slur] or, in a letter to his wife, dismiss Miami as nothing but ‘hotels, filling stations, Hebrews, and cabins.’”
David Harris, the former longtime CEO of the American Jewish Committee, maintained that to simply call Truman an antisemite “would be grossly unfair,” citing Truman’s close friendship with his Jewish “Army buddy” Eddie Jacobson, his respect for Jewish history and his actions as a political leader.
Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, right, presents a bronze menorah as a birthday gift to Truman during a visit in 1951. Israeli ambassador to the United States Abba Eban stands with them. (Fritz Cohen/GPO/Getty Images)
In his biography, McCullough highlights a Chicago speech that Truman made in 1943, when he was still a U.S. senator from Missouri and the Nazi extermination apparatus was accelerating, as evidence of Truman’s prosemitic feelings. The thundering address, at the United Rally to Demand Rescue of Doomed Jews, portended his actions to come.
“The history of America in its fight for freedom and the history of the Jews of America are one and the same. … Merely talking about the Four Freedoms is not enough,” Truman declared, in an apparent dig at then-President Franklin D. Roosevelt, whom he would serve as vice president. “This is the time for action. No one can any longer doubt the horrible intentions of the Nazi beasts. We know that they plan the systematic slaughter throughout all of Europe, not only of the Jews but of vast numbers of other innocent peoples.”
“Today, not tomorrow,” he bellowed in his closing comments, “we must do all that is humanly possible to provide a haven and place of safety for all those who can be grasped from the hands of the Nazi butchers.”
The president Truman criticized also picked him to be his running mate in 1944, and Truman assumed the presidency the following April, just weeks into his tenure as vice president, following Roosevelt’s death. Though he had presided over the end of World War II, Truman and his political advisers were seriously concerned in 1948 about his reelection chances, and they had reason to be. A Gallup poll that February suggested he probably would lose to New York Gov. Thomas Dewey, the eventual Republican nominee, or any of the other popular alternatives, including Gen. Douglas MacArthur.
Truman’s waning chances, McCullough wrote, encouraged him further to recognize Israel. “Support for a Jewish homeland was extremely good politics in 1948,” he said, “possibly crucial in such big states as Pennsylvania or Illinois and especially in New York where there were 2.5 million Jews. Nor was there any doubt that the Republicans stood ready to do all they could for the Jewish cause and for the same reasons.”
But beyond the so-called “Jewish vote,” McCullough added, there was vast popular support in the United States for a Jewish homeland in 1948. “As would sometimes be forgotten, it was not just American Jews who were stirred by the prospect of a new nation for the Jewish people, it was most of America.”
“Politics and humanitarian concerns and foreign policy were closely, irrevocably intertwined,” wrote McCullough, who died last year. “Yet for Truman unquestionably, humanitarian concerns mattered foremost.”
Secretary of State George Marshall was among those who believed that Truman and his advisers were paying too much attention to both political and humanitarian concerns in their deliberations over Palestine, rather than strategic ones. And Marshall told Truman so at the tense Palestine strategy conference on May 12, two days before the mandate was about to expire.
“This is just straight politics,” the livid general burst out as Clark Clifford, Truman’s chief political adviser, stated the case for American recognition at that historic meeting. Marshall dismissed Clifford’s argument that Washington recognize the new Jewish state before Moscow, which six months earlier had backed the U.N. move to partition Palestine, laying the groundwork for independence.
Clifford continued with his presentation, as McCullough recounts it. “No matter what the State Department or anybody thinks,” he said, “we are faced with the actual fact that there is to be a Jewish state.”
Marshall was unmoved. In the most electric moment of the meeting, and the most excruciating for Truman, who revered Marshall, the latter declared that if the president followed Clifford’s advice and recognized the state, he would vote against him against in November.
The president’s “expression, serious from the start, changed not at all,” McCullough wrote. “He only raised his hand and said he was fully aware of the difficulties and dangers involved, as well as the political risks involved, which he himself would run.” Truman dismissed the tense meeting, suggesting that all present “sleep on the matter.”
Hence the suspense surrounding Truman’s final decision to recognize the new Jewish state two days later, as well as the shock with which it was received in some diplomatic circles, including at the State Department itself. “The American delegation at the United Nations was flabbergasted,” said McCullough. “Some American delegates actually broke into laughter, thinking the announcement must be somebody’s idea of a joke.”
It was not. Jubilation followed in Jerusalem, dancing in the streets of New York, and consternation and anger at Foggy Bottom and the Pentagon and elsewhere, including and particularly in the Middle East.
Three-quarters of a century later, the decision looms as momentous.
“What would have happened had Truman yielded to Marshall and withheld US diplomatic recognition of the Jewish state?” Harris, the former AJC chief, wrote in an email to The Washington Post. “Would independence still have been declared on May 14, 1948? Most likely, I believe. The momentum for Jewish sovereignty was in high gear. But recognition added incalculable legitimacy and prestige.”
Truman regarded the pivotal role he played in Jewish history as one of his greatest achievements. Israelis wished that he would do even more in the days and months that followed, such as lifting the U.S. embargo on arms shipments, but none could deny his role as guarantor of Israeli independence. When the chief rabbi of Israel later called at the White House, he told Truman, “God put you in your mother’s womb so you would be the instrument to bring the rebirth of Israel after two thousand years.”
In an interview filmed at the Truman Library after his retirement, Truman said that he “antagonized a lot of people by recognizing the state of Israel as soon as it was formed. Well, I had been to Potsdam, and I had seen some of the places where the Jews had been slaughtered by the Nazis. Six million Jews were killed outright — men, women and children — by the Nazis.
“And it is my hope,” he said, “that they would have a homeland.”
https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2023/05/13/harry-truman-israel-antisemitic/
#1 Snapshot - Genocide Convention
Genocide Convention | Definition | Excerpt from United Nations website
LINK to UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
Elements of the crime [TWO KEY ELEMENTS #1 MENTAL #2 PHYSICAL]
A mental element: the "intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such"; and
A physical element, which includes the following five acts, enumerated exhaustively:
Killing members of the group [SUCCESS]
Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group [SUCCESS]
Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part [SUCCESS]
Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group [SUCCESS]
Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group [no need to transfer--just kill them]
#2 Genocidal / Eliminationist Language spoke by Israeli Officials
E1. Meir Ben-Shabbat (MBS): Eliminationist Language and War Goals & Tactics:
Writings on plans for Gaza Genocide by Meir Ben-Shabbat, Head of Misgav, former Chief of Staff for Israel's National Security Council and CEO of influential Zionist & Security think tank
Quotes demonsatrating Intent to Commit Genocide
Committed to Genocide: Meir Ben Shabbat
National Security Advisor / Head of National Security Council
Meir Ben-Shabbat, expressing clear intentions since start of Siege on Gaza !Ben-Shabbat and his think tank have made their position public in Tweets, Opinion articles, white-papers. Israeli officials have made similar statements.
MBS writing on October 12, 2023
The military goals of war are easy to define, even if they are not simple to achieve.
In the final image, the post-war Gaza Strip will be a city of ruins.
Everything related to Hamas - was destroyed, tens of thousands of Hamas and Jihad activists - dead,
without a central government,
and without hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who evacuated from the fighting zones.
[clear cut genocide]
The high command of the IDF needs to be freed from:
the constraints that may hinder it from achieving this and affect the pace of its operations and the utilization of its capabilities.
Among other things - the preoccupation with the failure to warn, the heavy legal bureaucracy associated with combat and the preoccupation with the humanitarian aspects on the systems.
Time is not pressing! One must prepare for the war to last for a long time. in terms of months, not weeks. The voices heard from time to time about the "limited political time window" did not internalize the intensity of the shock. As long as Israeli hostages are held in Gaza - no restraint should be expected from us.
See full article below.
SA Kushner & NSA Ben Shabbat visit the Rabat Mausoleum, December 22, 2020
ACHIEVING MBS VISION: BULLDOZING DOWN EVERYTHING-SCORCHED EARTH
MBS is achieving worse Devasation than did General William Tecumeh Sherman during his "scorched earth" march to the sea
PICTURE GALLERY-->scroll
BULLDOZING CHURCHES, MOSQUES, SCHOOLS, FARMS, HOMES
The IDF Wages Holocaust in the Holy Land
EXCERPT FROM MEIR BEN SHABBAT'S 10-COMMANDMENTS
06 Nov 2023
FULL ARTICLE ATTACHED BELOW
1. The security of our forces comes before preventing risks to the population:Hamas's first line of defense has been broken. The Gaza Strip is divided into two. The city of Gaza is <knocked out, destroyed>. The stage before us - the purification - is difficult and dangerous. [this is ethnic cleansing] Th
2. The hospitals in Gaza - better sooner than later: As the hospitals in Gaza serve as headquarters, provide shelter for Hamas operatives and a regular supply channel for them - it is better to act against them early. Once a warning has been given and there are alternatives for providing the medical treatment, any postponement is our fault. It will allow the enemy to safely conduct the campaign and direct the attack on our forces that will operate in the nearby areas. Since we will have to deal with them in any case, it is better to do it early and avoid the possible damages due to postponement.
3. Attack in Gaza the police, government ministries, municipalities and internal security forces of Hamas - Hamas must be made unable to provide any services to its citizens, or to enforce its instructions on them. This is the practical expression of the statement "the overthrow of the Hamas government". [This Translates to destroying schools, courts, UNRWA, other humanitarian aid, and creating an impossible humanitarian crises forcing the Transfer of Gazans Out of Gaza]
4. The paralysis of the Internet in Gaza: completely and not intermittently! . This is essential to:disrupt the control of Hamas,
interfere with propaganda efforts,
The disconnection of the Internet will increase the chaos in the Strip. The fog will be thicker. [SO WE CAN HOLOCAUST PALESTINIANS, RAPE, PILLAGE]
No need to worry about that. The chaos is an inevitable step on the way to the new reality in Gaza.
5. Humanitarian ceasefires - a danger to our forces. [this is stated as a ‘talking point’ rather than objective fact] Hamas will take advantage of the ceasefire to prepare and attack our forces. The ceasefire will make it possible to improve the picture in his hands, to identify weak points and opportunities in front of our forces, to capture buildings and axes of movement, to transport fighters and means.
As I recall, during "Tzuk Eitan" we paid a heavy price in blood during a humanitarian truce that was held under the auspices of the United Nations. At the very least, when our abductees are held in the Gaza Strip without access by the Red Cross and without basic humanitarian rights, it is wrong to allow such truces.
6. Immediately design a new security parameter: act to significantly distance the current line of contact along the entire border of the strip and also occupy the areas of the northern demarcation. This is of supreme security importance for the day after and it will also be part of the price for the attack against us. It is important to do this now as part of shaping the new reality.
7. Preoccupation with the day after - premature and harmful: conveys to the enemy that the war is on the way to an end and strengthens his spirit and resistance, may transmit the same message to our forces and damage the positive momentum, it has the potential for an internal perceptual dispute and damage the existing cohesion, it also contains the potential for disputes with the US as well.
The countries of the West and the countries of the region and most importantly:
the day after depends on the size of the military achievement that will be achieved, on the dynamics and the opportunities that will be created in its wake - it is impossible to predict all of this right now. Therefore, it is right to focus on the war and only the war and be content with clarifying that the day after there will be no Hamas rule, a military threat to Israel, Israeli responsibility for civilian issues, limitations on Israeli security activity.
8. War on Hamas also in Israel: to continue with full vigor! This is essential to prevent inspired or revenge attacks. It is also necessary to crush the infrastructure [MEANING FLATTEN ALL OF GAZA]. And it is also important to instill the concept - Israel will pursue Hamas everywhere all the time! In the current reality, it is true To prevent Palestinians from entering to work in Israel or to the industrial zones in Yosh.
9. The world and the region expect the complete subjugation of Hamas:
10. The spirit of the IDF - "After me!" -
MBS & Jared Kushner | Abu Dhabi peace deal
i24NEWS speaks with Meir Ben Shabbat
Jul 20, 2023 #Hezbollah #i24NEWS #Israel
i24NEWS speaks to former Israeli national security advisor Meir Ben Shabbat on tensions with Hezbollah.
...MORE MBS GENOCIDAL (NAZI) STATMENTS
PROPOSED WARSAW GHETTO CONCENTRATION CAMP ON STEROIDS [ONE-THIRD MORE DENSE THAN MANHATTAN] IN PROGRESS!!!
https://twitter.com/MisgavINS/status/1713591674742419839
A humanitarian center for Gaza evacuees should be established in Sinai or, alternatively, in the south of the Gaza Strip in the area of the former Dahaniya airport
highlights:
● In order to achieve the goals of the war in Gaza, as defined by the cabinet, the IDF will probably be required to enter the Gaza Strip and fight in a built-up area. Both from a military point of view, from a political point of view, and for humanitarian reasons, it is better for this fighting to take place when the small number of people are in the area mostly of uninvolved citizens.
● As in other cases around the world of intense fighting in a built-up area, Israel can initiate the evacuation of uninvolved civilians to predetermined areas where fighting will not occur. The condition for housing in these areas is non-participation in combat and complete disarmament.
● The first option in relation to the evacuation of the citizens from Gaza is to reach an agreement with the US, Egypt and the UN that will allow the establishment of an international humanitarian center in the Egyptian Rafah to treat the residents of Gaza. [THERE IS NO EGYPTIAN RAFAH--IT'S BEEN BULLDOZED!]
● Another option is to establish a center in the Gaza Strip, at the southeastern edge of the Strip (the location of the former Dahaniya Airport), where it will be possible to house hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who wish to do so. In addition to being an uninhabited area, this is a convenient area in terms of providing international humanitarian aid.
● From an examination of the population density in refugee camps all over the world, it appears that the population density can range from 25-100 thousand people per square kilometer. [ONE-THIRD MORE DENSE THAN MANHATTAN] This means that it is possible to live in such an area between 200-800 thousand people, all depending on the conditions. That is, such an area can house hundreds of thousands of Palestinian citizens far from the combat zone.
To read the full paper, by Dr. Adi Shortz and Attorney Yigal Ram -
WHAT if You America got "EVACUATED" Israeli-style?
Rafah is about the same land area and population as Haifa (3rd Largest City in Israel)
Due to Siege, Rafah's population is FIVE TIMES its pre-War population--Relative to U.S. cities, Rafah's POPULATION DENSITY of 56,000 people per square miles ranks 2nd in the U.S. after Manhattan Island (73,000 per square mile).
Rafah IS NOW like THE WARSAW GHETTO! (350k/per square mile). In terms of Population, It would take ELEVEN Little Rock's to equal ONE Gaza Strip. Imagine ELEVEN times the population of Little Rock Arkansas being placed inside the land area of Little Rock (120 sq miles) --This is roughly equivalent to the Gaza Strip (142 sq miles). Now Imagine cramming HALF of this population into less than one fifth of Little Rock--This is equivalent to Rafah under Siege today.
PICTURE GALLERY
ISRAEL'S WAR ON TREES & PLANTS
2023 - PRESENT
PICTURE GALLERY
RAFAH DESTRUCTION &
SINAI DESTRUCTION by Egypt & Israel
2000 to present
2023Oct12 MBS The war imposed on Israel - an opportunity to fundamentally change reality
Tweet & Link to attached article
Tweet Translation: Meir Ben Shabat, head of the Meshgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy: The terrible price that Israel paid for entering the war that was imposed on it provides it with a historic opportunity to fundamentally change reality. Not only to eradicate the rule of Hamas and destroy its capabilities, but also to bring about the fact that the Gaza Strip will no longer be a nuisance to the State of Israel - not from a political point of view, not from a security point of view, not from an economic point of view and from any other point of view. As long as Israeli hostages are held in Gaza - no restraint on our part should be expected. At this stage, alongside the preparations for the next offensive moves in combat, it is right to focus on two main efforts: defense and crushing and Israel must make it clear that from now on the humanitarian needs of Gaza are of no concern to it.
From <https://twitter.com/MisgavINS/status/1712792425024868812>
Full article attached to Tweet in in IsraelHayom (translated into English)
דעה | המלחמה שנכפתה על ישראל - הזדמנות לשנות את המציאות מהיסוד | ישראל היום
The war imposed on Israel - an opportunity to fundamentally change reality
The terrible price that Israel paid for entering the war that was imposed on it allows it not only to eradicate the rule of Hamas and destroy its capabilities, but also to bring about the fact that the Gaza Strip will no longer be a nuisance to the State of Israel for any reason
Meir Ben Shabbat, Head of Misgav | Israelyahom | 12 October 2013
The surprise attack by Hamas on Israel is an event with historical consequences. While Hamas does not pose an existential threat to the country, the results of its attack against us could put Israel in a situation of existential threat from other enemies. The Israeli response to this is the only thing that can prevent this. This is the main consideration that should guide Israel's political and security leadership in planning the next moves in relation to Gaza.
A main consideration, but not the only one: the terrible price that Israel paid for entering the war that was imposed on it provides it with a historic opportunity to fundamentally change reality. Not only to eradicate the rule of Hamas and destroy its capabilities, but also to ensure that the Gaza Strip is no longer a nuisance to the State of Israel - not from a political point of view, not from a security point of view, not from an economic point of view and from any other point of view.
Bombed Gaza, photo: Getty Images
The polished formulation of the political purpose of the war should reflect this idea. There is no obligation to make statements about it. It is more important that the message reaches the planning and execution factors sharply and clearly. This is the compass that should direct the IDF and all the systems involved in the fighting effort: on the battlefield, in the political field and in other areas.
Everything related to Hamas will be destroyed
The military goals of war are easy to define, even if they are not simple to achieve.
In the final image, the post-war Gaza Strip will be a city of ruins.
Everything related to Hamas - was destroyed, tens of thousands of Hamas and Jihad activists - dead,
without a central government,
and without hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who evacuated from the fighting zones.
[clear cut genocide]
The high command of the IDF needs to be freed from:
the constraints that may hinder it from achieving this and affect the pace of its operations and the utilization of its capabilities.
Among other things - the preoccupation with the failure to warn, the heavy legal bureaucracy associated with combat and the preoccupation with the humanitarian aspects on the systems.
Time is not pressing! One must prepare for the war to last for a long time. in terms of months, not weeks. The voices heard from time to time about the "limited political time window" did not internalize the intensity of the shock. As long as Israeli hostages are held in Gaza - no restraint should be expected from us.
[propaganda] The fear in the world about the reappearance of ISIS in the form of Hamas, and the expectation from Israel to prevent it, are on our side.
In any case, understanding the time frame is essential not only for the mental and logistical preparation of the home front, but also to plan and prioritize the military missions.
At this stage, alongside the preparations for the next offensive moves in combat, it is right to focus on two main efforts: defense and crushing.
The many forces must be utilized to thicken the defense formations, create a very wide security space along the borders of the Strip, and enable a quick and effective response to any suspicious occurrence.
The IDF should continue the massive crushing, destroy to death and lose everything related in any way to the Hamas organization or the Hamas administration. Release barriers that affect the pace and blow up activists' houses, offices, vehicles and mechanical equipment, generators, etc.
The issue of the ground maneuver and the timing of its execution must be examined first and foremost according to the assessment of its expected contribution to the achievement of the goals.
The alternatives to this must also be examined, and the level of preparedness of the IDF forces and the enemy's situation must be taken into account. Although our forces are capable of winning in any conflict, we must strive for the cost on our part to be minimal, also in order not to give additional morale gains to the enemy. Because it is better to do this after a prolonged defeat and when the enemy is worn out, rather than when he is fresh and full of vigor.
More from Israel today
The issue of the abductees is complicated - the decisions are difficult
Through the eyes of the terrorist: this is what the first moments of the Hamas attack looked like
As for surgical operations - with the exception of unique cases, it seems that at this time they are profitable. They take up attention and resources, their contribution to the strategic goal is limited and they may send a message of a return to the previous reality.
Tighten the siege
It is essential to continue, and even tighten, the siege on Gaza. The destruction of the power plant in Gaza is required to make Hamas' conduct more difficult, and it will also benefit the effort to bring about a fundamental change in the Strip.
Smoke billows over Gaza after the IDF strikes, photo: AFP
In order to make it clear that we are calling for a fundamental change in the Gaza Strip - it is essential to announce the cancellation of the civil coordination and liaison function for Gaza, which is responsible for handling the civilian affairs of the Gaza Strip. Israel must make it clear that from now on the humanitarian needs of Gaza are not its concern. This declaration is required not only in front of the international and local community, but also so that the elements of the Israeli system internalize it.
The blow that fell on Israel is hard and painful. We are still burying our dead, horrified to hear the atrocities committed by the human animals bathed in hatred and evil. We must raise our national stature, exhaust the tremendous forces that lie within us and break through in moments of national crisis, and bring about the necessary historical change in Gaza for the sake of future generations. We can do it.
Meir Ben Shabat is the head of the "Mishgav" Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy in Jerusalem, he was the head of the MLA in the years 2021-2017 and commanded the southern region of the Shin Bet
2024Mar04 MBS No alternative but to pursue its goals until they are fully met.
Israel must act wisely as key moment arrives in Gaza war
By Meir Ben Shabbat | 2024 March 3 | JNS.org / Israel Hayoum
Meir Ben Shabbat is head of the Misgav Institute for Zionist Strategy & National Security, in Jerusalem. He served as Israel’s national security advisor and head of the National Security Council between 2017 and 2021. Prior to that, for 25 years he held senior positions in the Israel Security Agency (Shabak).
Enemies, friends and neutrals are keeping a watchful eye: The Jewish state has no alternative but to pursue its goals until they are fully met.
https://www.jns.org/israel-must-act-wisely-as-key-moment-arrives-in-gaza-war/
Just the attack near Ma’ale Adumim on Feb. 22 and the previous week’s attack near Kiryat Malachi, the attack in Eli on Thursday should not come as a surprise. The “inspiration” supplied by the war in Gaza, the calls from terrorist group leaders on Judea and Samaria Arabs to join the struggle and open an active front against Israel, and Al Jazeera’s ongoing fanning of the flames of revenge have created an atmosphere conducive to carrying out such attacks.
The availability of arms and the friction with IDF soldiers and Israeli civilians complete the three conditions required for this: motive, means and targets. Intensive efforts by security forces have prevented mass attacks through arrests, demolitions of terrorist residences and operations—including pinpointed raids and steps against terrorist networks.
It is possible the shock from the Oct. 7 attack and fear among terrorist groups in Judea and Samaria that they are the main target of the Israeli rage that followed could also explain the Israeli counterterrorism successes of late. But if that is the case, we will likely see additional attempts to carry out attacks as this effect wears off.
To rise to this challenge, Israeli security forces should lower the suspicion threshold for preventative steps. This could be done in part by adopting some elements of the policy practiced in Jenin and northern Samaria to other areas, fast-tracking the decisions to carry out home demolitions, and increasing efforts to thwart weapons production or smuggling.
The high presence of security personnel and armed civilians increases the likelihood of quick and effective responses. The IDF and police would be wise to invest in public advocacy to explain to the public how to act when they are caught in a terrorist attack, to minimize the risk of friendly fire.
We cannot compromise in Gaza
In its Gaza war, Israel needs a decisive, unambiguous and indisputable victory. Deterrence will not be restored if the narrative emerges that Israel had not achieved its goals despite being subjected to the atrocities of Oct. 7 and after so many troops were deployed for this operation. If that narrative were to emerge, Israel would face an existential threat, its enemies would feel even more inclined to attack, and its diplomatic stature would suffer a lethal blow.
Regional and international players—enemies, friends and neutral actors—are keeping a watchful eye on developments. Their stance and conduct towards Israel will be affected by the outcome in Gaza. This makes it all the more evident Israel has no alternative but to pursue the war’s goals until they are fully met.
The IDF’s achievements so far are impressive. They have, in themselves, the ability to demonstrate—at least to Hezbollah in Lebanon—Israel’s military prowess and its civilian strength.
But much work remains: Hamas’s Rafah Brigade—with its four battalions—has yet to be dismantled. The combatworthiness of Hamas’s top leadership and rank and file are intact. The scale of damage to the tunneling infrastructure and weapons is hard to assess, but it is premature to declare them destroyed.
Under such conditions, Hamas’s recovery could be swift, especially with the capabilities and mechanisms of many undamaged government institutions at its disposal. Therefore, Israel must not fall for offers that would bring an end to the war, even if the wording is tailored so that it is easier to sell to the public.
On this matter, one cannot compromise, not even in the face of political pressures or attempts to exploit the captive issue to halt the IDF. Hamas will likely not agree to a “grand bargain” without guarantees to end fighting and security/civilian arrangements ensuring its continued rule of the Strip. Israel of course cannot agree to such a deal.
Thus, the practical path forward, as seen by mediators, is a phased deal. If so, we should strive to free as many captives as possible at the lowest possible price, and in any event, without preventing Israel from resuming combat operations.
Negotiations over the captives should continue while increasing pressure on Hamas, including by targeting its overseas leaders and demanding Washington use its significant leverage on Qatar.
An inevitable stop on the way
Even before the facts came out, Arab countries and the world quickly pinned the blame on Israel for the incident that saw some 100 Palestinians trampled to death when running towards aid trucks brought into northern Gaza.
There is no reason to doubt the IDF spokesperson’s version and the initial military probe’s findings, but one must assume these will mainly convince those already convinced. Hamas leaders gleefully rubbing their hands at Israeli “entanglement” see the civilians’ deaths as reasonable payment for added political pressure on Israel, especially ahead of the IDF’s planned Rafah operation.
In the conditions created in Gaza, there is no practical, safe way to enable civilian aid to the population without it being seized by Hamas, unless the IDF distributes it. As we learned with UNRWA, one cannot rely on the “neutrality” of international bodies, or expect them to withstand Hamas pressure. The same holds for foreign states, regionally and beyond. The notion that the Palestinian Authority could do this without being at the mercy of Hamas ignores the intra-Strip power dynamic.
To meet this challenge, again consider establishing “de-escalation zones” with no Hamas access, where humanitarian aid would be provided solely to the population. This removes Hamas aid control, preventing both the equipping of its people and the strengthening of its standing and governance.
One way or another, the incident must not cause retreat or backing off by Israel in its efforts to dismantle Hamas’s rule. As the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center said in a new report, many Hamas governmental and public institutions continue to function either fully or in some partial capacity, including the government spokesperson’s office and ministries responsible for operating security agencies and the Hamas home front. It makes no sense to let such institutions and apparatuses continue to operate, as they are designed to help Hamas cement its control.
Despite the short-term costs this process may incur, halting their activity is a necessary step in the path towards replacing Hamas.
Meir Ben Shabbat is head of the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy, in Jerusalem. He served as Israel’s national security adviser and head of the National Security Council between 2017 and 2021, and before that for 30 years in the Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet).
Originally published by Israel Hayom.
2023Nov06 MBS "Ten commandments on the war in Gaza by Meir Ben Shabbat"
2023Nov6- Interview with Meir Bin-Shabbat,
Translated and Marked up version of 10 Commandments (Moses would be pissed)
Fact checks & Definitions of some Jargon
Original Tweet in Hebrew with Translation by Google
Marked-up of 10 Commandments
מכון משגב לביטחון לאומי ולאסטרטגיה ציונית | @MisgavINS | 6 Nov 2023
עשר הערות על המלחמה בעזה מאת: מאיר בן שבת 1. ביטחון כוחותינו קודם למניעת סיכונים לאוכלוסיה: קו ההגנה הראשון של
Translated from Hebrew by Google
Ten commandments on the war in Gaza By: Meir Ben Shabat
1. The security of our forces comes before preventing risks to the population:Hamas's first line of defense has been broken. The Gaza Strip is divided into two. The city of Gaza is named. The stage before us - the purification - is difficult and dangerous. The IDF commanders have the knowledge, skill, methods and tools required for this. They do not need advice. Instead, it is right to continue to back them up. Especially in decisions where priority will be given to reducing the risk to our forces even at the cost of increasing the risk of harm to the population and the political criticism that will result from this.
2. The hospitals in Gaza - better sooner than later: As the hospitals in Gaza serve as headquarters, provide shelter for Hamas operatives and a regular supply channel for them - it is better to act against them early. Once a warning has been given and there are alternatives for providing the medical treatment, any postponement is our fault. It will allow the enemy to safely conduct the campaign and direct the attack on our forces that will operate in the nearby areas. Since we will have to deal with them in any case, it is better to do it early and avoid the possible damages due to postponement.
3. Attack in Gaza the police, government ministries, municipalities and internal security forces of Hamas - Hamas must be made unable to provide any services to its citizens, or to enforce its instructions on them. This is the practical expression of the statement "the overthrow of the Hamas government".
4. The paralysis of the Internet in Gaza: completely and not intermittently! . This is essential to:
disrupt the control of Hamas,
prevent effective coordination between the government mechanisms,
interfere with propaganda efforts,
increase confusion in the field and prevent the flow of information that would interfere and possibly even endanger our forces in the field.
The intermittent pauses do not produce this effect. Even if there are advantages in its operation, they are null compared to the disadvantages..
The disconnection of the Internet will increase the chaos in the Strip. The fog will be thicker.
No need to worry about that. The chaos is an inevitable step on the way to the new reality in Gaza.
5. Humanitarian ceasefires - a danger to our forces. [this is stated as a ‘talking point’ rather than objective fact] Hamas will take advantage of the ceasefire to prepare and attack our forces. The ceasefire will make it possible to improve the picture in his hands, to identify weak points and opportunities in front of our forces, to capture buildings and axes of movement, to transport fighters and means.
As I recall, during "Tzuk Eitan" we paid a heavy price in blood during a humanitarian truce that was held under the auspices of the United Nations. At the very least, when our abductees are held in the Gaza Strip without access by the Red Cross and without basic humanitarian rights, it is wrong to allow such truces. 6. Immediately design a new security parameter: act to significantly distance the current line of contact along the entire border of the strip and also occupy the areas of the northern demarcation. This is of supreme security importance for the day after and it will also be part of the price for the attack against us. It is important to do this now as part of shaping the new reality.
7. Preoccupation with the day after - premature and harmful: conveys to the enemy that the war is on the way to an end and strengthens his spirit and resistance, may transmit the same message to our forces and damage the positive momentum, it has the potential for an internal perceptual dispute and damage the existing cohesion, it also contains the potential for disputes with the US as well.
The countries of the West and the countries of the region and most importantly:
the day after depends on the size of the military achievement that will be achieved, on the dynamics and the opportunities that will be created in its wake - it is impossible to predict all of this right now. Therefore, it is right to focus on the war and only the war and be content with clarifying that the day after there will be no Hamas rule, a military threat to Israel, Israeli responsibility for civilian issues, limitations on Israeli security activity.
8. War on Hamas also in Israel: to continue with full vigor! This is essential to prevent inspired or revenge attacks. It is also necessary to crush the infrastructure. And it is also important to instill the concept - Israel will pursue Hamas everywhere all the time! In the current reality, it is true To prevent Palestinians from entering to work in Israel or to the industrial zones in Yosh.
9. The world and the region expect the complete subjugation of Hamas: "If the war ends without the destruction of Hamas, it will be a victory for Hamas and a defeat for Israel and the free world" - this is what Saudi journalist Abd al-Aziz al-Khamis told Roy Kays from "Kan" news.
He thereby expressed the expectation of many leaders, in the world and in the region. Even those who in public will express an opposite position. Israel is indeed fighting its own war, but it is also the war of all those who fear the monstrous Hamas-ISIS. [BULLSHIT]The political window of time for the IDF's action will also be affected by the determination that Israel will demonstrate in achieving the goals!
10. The spirit of the IDF - "After me!" - The arrival of Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi in Gaza in the midst of the fighting, as well as the deep involvement and presence of the senior command in the battlefield, instills confidence in the fighters, conveys faith, determination, personal example and leadership. Not only our soldiers notice this. Also Hamas terrorists, who are sent to their deaths while their senior commanders are hiding deep in tunnels or behind the backs of civilians taken as human shields. The Israeli spirit will win.
A month has passed since the murderous surprise attack by Hamas. . The attack will be etched in the collective national consciousness as a defining event, to change a generation. Israel after October 7, will not be the same country again. We are still in the middle of the painful episode. It will take a long time to digest what happened. Alongside the unimaginable evil, more and more stories of heroism, expressions of volunteering, manifestations of brotherhood and inspiring evil are revealed. In the childhood of every nation there is a heroic period of Nephilim, famous heroes, converts of Genesis. The same is true in our nation. We grew up on their stories.
We embraced their leadership. The generation of 578 was a model for us and so were the heroes of the six days and the rescuers of the kidnapped in Entebbe. From the inferno we will also discover before our eyes the height of the generation of Tashpad. The writer is the head of the Meshgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy.
2023Nov22 MBS Interview with Meir Ben-Shabbat, No Cease Fire, No 'Surgical Strikes'
2023Nov22 - Interview - Ben-Shabbat - "The ceasefire will allow Hamas to reorganize"
Ariel Whitman | en.globes.co.il | 22 Nov, 2023 15:27
"The ceasefire will allow Hamas to reorganize" - Globes
Former National Security Advisor Meir Ben-Shabbat says the government has an enormous commitment to release every hostage possible, while understanding the risks of a pause in fighting.
In efforts to understand the implications of the hostage deal on the continued fighting and Israel's situation in northern and southern Gaza, we spoke to Meir Ben-Shabbat, who served as National Security Advisor from 2017 to 2021.
Will the several days of ceasefire for the hostage deal allow us to resume the war?
"Hamas's immediate aim is to bring about a halt in the fighting by Israel, while creating a track that will allow it to produce the maximum gain from the hostages it holds. It is pinning its hopes on negotiations for an exchange deal, on internal pressure in Israel on this issue and pressure that the international community will exert on Israel on the humanitarian issue.
"As expected, with the assistance of Qatar, whose main interest is to ensure its survival, Hamas officials have laid out the temptation and started using the hostages to achieve their aims. Along the way, they will try to erase a little of the stain that stuck to them from their inhuman barbarism, and also intensify the disputes and internal pressures in Israel.
"I don't envy the government ministers and the heads of the security services, in deciding on the deal to release babies and their mothers, in exchange for the release of terrorists and the pause in fighting for several days. On the one hand, the enormous commitment to release everyone possible, and the understanding that any delay in doing so could be fateful for them, while on the other hand, the heavy price of the release, putting our soldiers at risk. The ceasefire will allow Hamas to assess the situation, reorganize, identify weak points on the Israeli side, protect itself, set traps, and strike. The fuel that will be put into the Strip will also help it greatly. Hamas will begin the next phase of the fighting from a much improved position compared with its current situation.
"One way or another, Israel must not end the war in the Gaza Strip without toppling Hamas from power and destroying its capabilities. The difficult opening conditions in which we entered the war, leave us no other choice. If we do not achieve this, it will have consequences for the balance of deterrence against its other enemies as well, in a way that may expose us to an existential threat."
To say goodbye to the surgical concept
Ben-Shabbat, who is currently Head of the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy in Jerusalem, published an op-ed piece in "Globes," several days after the massacres in the south, in which he said that the only statistic that matters is the number of dead terrorists. We asked him if that is still the parameter that must be examined.
Ben-Shabbat says, "Indeed these were the words I wrote immediately after the cruel surprise attack on October 7 and in those words I sought to stress two messages.
Firstly, the circumstances required us to say goodbye to the surgical concept that had characterized our operations in Gaza in recent years. Targeted strikes on senior Hamas officials are not sufficient or attacks concentrating on targets in order to offset the damage to Israel's deterrence image. We need a massive, broad and deeper damage.
"The second emphasis was the need to inflict irreversible damage on Hamas. From Hamas's perspective, the damage to its military and governmental infrastructure is indeed painful, but it is reversible.
For them, everything can be restored, even if it takes time and requires resources.
The only thing that cannot be restored is the killing of its commanders and fighters. In order to defeat the Hamas organization, it is not enough to deprive it of its military capabilities, it is necessary to severely damage its most important infrastructure: its people."
How is the IDF progressing? What is it doing well and what not so well?
"The IDF's operations are continuing to achieve its military targets. The fighting of our forces in Gaza exudes power. As far as one can get an impression through the veil of ambiguity that the IDF employs, and rightly so - it is being well managed. The conduct of the forces demonstrates professionalism. Cooperation between the different branches and services is broad, close and precise. While fighting there is also a process of learning, rapid transfer of knowledge and drawing initial conclusions, between the forces and in the different regions.
"All of this multiplies the strength and increases effectiveness of the forces in offense and defense.
They are also important vis-à-vis Israel's other enemies, who monitor and examine its conduct, as part of the assessment of the situation and as a basis for their decisions.
If the thought crossed Hezbollah's mind to wait until the IDF is exhausted in Gaza and then initiate a military move against Israel, now they will have to assume that they will meet a ready, trained and well-practiced army, much more so than it was before the Gaza war."
"And yet," stresses Ben-Shabbat, "The road to achieving the aims of the war in Gaza is still long. The goals that the political echelon has set are aimed at fatally damaging the enemy's government and military capabilities. Not just to exact a price or merely deter. Achieving these aims takes time. This is a process that requires systematic, broad and prolonged activity. Not a campaign restricted in time and scope.
"The enemy's aim is to survive, and as far as possible to also strike by forays from tunnel shafts, to strike and escape, or set traps for the forces. It does go for head-on confrontation with the forces.
For this end it has prepared an extensive network of tunnels, and will use any person, facility or means in the Gaza Strip, hospitals, schools, mosques, humanitarian convoys and anything it can use. This is very challenging for the fighters on the ground.
"I remind you that our forces are operating within a hostile population, a large part of which supports Hamas and actions against Israel. I believe that in this reality of the Gaza Strip, we must back up an approach that reduces as much as possible the risks to our forces, even at the cost of severely harming the humanitarian matters."
The unique reality of Gaza
What is your opinion on the cabinet decision to allow fuel into the Gaza Strip?
"Letting fuel into the Gaza Strip will help Hamas," Ben-Shabbat says unequivocally.
"I assume that this is also understood in the cabinet and the defense establishment. If this was done for humanitarian reasons, I do not think it was right to prioritize these considerations over the operational considerations against Hamas. If this was done because of US pressure, the operational significance of the matter should have been clarified with them. They should understand that allowing in fuel will probably not significantly improve the situation of the population, while on the other hand it will most likely prolong the duration of the fighting and increase the risks to our forces and indirectly to the population as well.
"In general, the discussion about fuel should be used to talk about the principles of fighting in the unique reality of the Gaza Strip.
My impression is that the US position assumes that in the Gaza Strip, enemy fighters can be separated from the population, and that the fighting is carried out against the enemy separately from the state apparatus. These two assumptions are not the reality."
How do you propose coping on the northern front?
"Israel has the ability to act simultaneously on several fronts, but the principle of concentration of effort requires that resources be focused on the main effort at the moment - the Gaza Strip. In the meantime, Israel's policy towards Hezbollah is the one defined by the Minister of Defense as 'active defense,' meaning working to disrupt and to thwart the enemy's activity, reinforcing defenses and also take advantage of every event to exact a price, even in places where the enemy does not expect us to operate. I believe that this approach is correct. Of course, this is a temporary reality, and it needs to be examined all the time, even during the fighting in Gaza."
What do you think about the Houthis? Is this not a sign that the Iranians are involved in every detail of the war?
"The Houthi movement is indeed a local organization but at the same time it is also one of the leading organizations in the Shiite militias that are operated or supported by Iran, with a pan-regional orientation. Iran perceives the Houthis as a bargaining chip in its struggle against Israel and against Saudi Arabia. Influenced by the war in Iraq, there was a radicalization of their attitude towards the US and Israel and a strengthening of their pro-Palestinian position. I remind you that the motto of the Houthis is 'death to America, death to Israel, curse the Jews and victory to Islam.'
"Indeed, their attacks against Israel during the war are part of Iran's support for Hamas, but also an expression of the Houthis' own commitment to the Palestinians and the struggle against Israel, and also an expression of their desire to demonstrate strength against the Gulf countries and the Arabian Peninsula. As mentioned, this is an expression of Iranian support, but that does not mean that they are involved in every detail of the campaign."
Does negotiations through Qatar not lend legitimacy to a country that supports a terrorist organization?
"Qatar is not a neutral mediator," says Ben-Shabbat about the country that mainly deals with mediation efforts in the deal for the release of the hostages. "It sponsors Hamas. Its first interest is to protect Hamas from Israel. In order to promote the return of the hostages it is necessary to increase the pressure, both through the IDF's activities in the field and through Qatar.
"The time has come to change the policy towards Qatar. To demand that the US uses 'sticks' and not just 'carrots' towards it, and that it reexamines its relations with it, including the cancelation or reduction of economic, diplomatic and military ties (one of the most important US military bases) in the Middle East is less than 20 kilometers from where Hamas leaders hold their meetings) and imposing sanctions on all Qatari entities involved in providing support to Hamas. Qatar should be made to immediately deport the Hamas leaders in its territory and see them as targets for a surgical attack by Israel."
A revised vision is needed
Ben-Shabbat concludes by saying that Israel after October 7 will not be the same country as it was before. The basic assumptions, structures and concepts in all fields will undergo a change. Israel will need a revised vision that will appeal to the vast majority of the people and draw up lines for the image of the state and its conduct in the coming decades. In this darkness of October 7, we saw quite a few sparks of heroism, leadership, sacrifice and mutual support.
"Society in Israel must take the good things that happened in this war that was imposed on us, and embrace them strongly in our routine times.
One of the most prominent of them is the unity, solidarity, and rapprochement that we have seen between the parts of society as a whole, after a not-short period in which we were immersed in fights and disputes that were unbearable.
"The enemy wanted to see us fall apart. Instead, it finds us united and mobilized to help each other, willing to sacrifice, full of faith and determined to win. These qualities are not new. They have been ingrained in us since time immemorial. The war only removed the thin layer that covered them and reminded us of our true character."
Published by Globes, Israel business news - en.globes.co.il - on November 22, 2023.
© Copyright of Globes Publisher Itonut (1983) Ltd., 2023.
RELATED ARTICLES
https://en.globes.co.il/en/article-the-ceasefire-will-allow-hamas-to-reorganize-1001463140
...MBS ANTICIPATED HAMAS ATTACK!!!
2023aug15 MISGAV MBS *****<HAMAS KIDNAPPING> | A bright warning light for the security system
2023aug15 MISGAV MBS *****<HAMAS KIDNAPPING> | A bright warning light for the security system: Hamas is returning to the method that gave it achievements
It remains on the fringes of the news, and it's a shame: the planning of the kidnapping attack may mark a dangerous change of direction in Hamas as part of an attempt to bring about the release of its people imprisoned in Israel • former MLA head Meir Ben Shabat, commentary
Former MLA head Meir Ben Shabat|N12 | Published 08/15/23 mako
It is likely that this is an organizational decision to renew the kidnappings, Hamas operatives in Gaza Photo: Atia Muhammad, Flash 90
In the heat of the events and since announcements about the exposure of terrorist cells have become a matter of routine, the unusual report about a Hamas cell from the Binyamin area whose members planned to kidnap an IDF soldier and were arrested in an advanced stage of the preparations for this slipped under the media radar.
According to the Shin Bet's statement, the members of the squad equipped themselves with weapons, gathered information, conducted field patrols in order to learn about the activity routine of the soldiers serving in the Binyamin area, planned escape routes and even prepared a hiding place to hold the soldier who would be kidnapped. They acted with the support and guidance of the Hamas headquarters abroad. and in Gaza.
HAMAS COMMAND & CONTROL ORDERING KIDNAPPINGS
If the planning of the kidnapping attack was indeed done following the instructions of the Hamas headquarters or with its approval and was not the result of a local initiative, then it must be seen as an organizational decision to renew the use of the kidnapping method for bargaining purposes. If this is the case, it would be correct to assume that similar instructions were (or will be) also passed on to squads and additional recruits.
IMAGE: An attack that requires extensive logistical preparation, the exposed infrastructure Photo: Shin Bet Communication
In the view of Hamas, the kidnapping attacks are the main path to bring about the release of its people imprisoned in Israel. In Gaza, Hamas holds the bodies of IDF martyrs - Oron Shaul and the late Hadar Goldin, and civilians - Avra Mengistu and Hisham al-Sayed. She uses them as bargaining chips for this purpose. The planning of the kidnapping attack can show that the Hamas leaders have come to terms with the fact that the assets in their hands are not enough to bring about a worthwhile exchange deal, so they are trying to get more cards.
HAMAS PAYS HIGH PRICE FROM ISRAELI REPRISALS FOR KIDNAPPINGS
This should be known, carrying out a kidnapping attack is not a trivial matter. Such an attack involves a complicated operation. It requires complex inter-regional coordination and prolonged logistical preparation, while evading Israeli intelligence sensors and Palestinian security mechanisms. Such an attack entails heavy costs following the investigative actions or Israel's response measures, which will follow. Such an attack could also expose Gaza to the possibility of a flare-up, at a time that would not necessarily suit Hamas' wishes. These are considerations that stand before the eyes of the leaders of Hamas, even though the commitment to freeing their people and the prestige expected from this, usually tip the scale in favor of carrying out the attacks.
IMAGE: Salah al- Aruri leads the "kidnapping operations" against Israel Photo: Reuters
WARNING LIGHT FOR SECURITY ESTABLISHMENT
The exposure of this link should turn on a warning light for the security establishment and add another concern to its multitude of concerns these days. First and foremost, it is right to refresh the guidelines for preventive behavior. It is also correct to increase countermeasures against Hamas elements and reduce the movement permits that allow direct coordination between the Gaza Strip and areas in Judea and Samaria. Beyond that, the time has come to say goodbye to some of the figures who have been leading the "kidnapping operations" against us for years, chief among them is Saleh al-Aruri, who lives abroad. His unnatural departure, under circumstances attributed to Israel, will strengthen the deterrence towards other adversaries, whose self-confidence has recently risen .
>>> Meir Ben Shabat is the head of the Mashgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy in Jerusalem, he served as the head of the National Security Council between 2017-2021. Before that he was one of the top Shin Bet officers and, among other things, commanded the southern region and the national wing for countering terrorism and espionage
2023may09 Misgav MBS ***** <WHY HAMAS NOT ATTACKING ALREADY> | Why are the terrorist organizations procrastinating in responding to the massacres in Gaza?
2023may09 Misgav MBS**** | Why are the terrorist organizations procrastinating in responding to the massacres in Gaza? | The former head of the MLA explains
In a conversation with Israel Hayom, Meir Ben Shabat explains the possible considerations of the leaders of Jihad and Hamas • Along with the possibility that the delay stems from the need to organize a response to the Israeli surprise, Ben Shabat suggests that there is "an attempt to schedule the response with activity from another arena"
9/5/2023, 09:35, Updated10/5/2023, 00:00
Playback
The jihad terrorists who were eliminated at the beginning of the operation in Gaza . Photo: Arab Networks
The former head of the National Security Staff, Meir Ben Shabat, explained in a conversation with "Israel Hayom" the considerations behind the delay of the terrorist organizations in responding to the killing of the senior members of the Islamic Jihad today (Tuesday), early in the morning. Ben Shabat, who currently heads the "Mashgav" Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy in Jerusalem, raises several hypotheses that could explain what is going on in the minds of the senior terrorists.
"Unlike in the past, the response of the terrorist organizations from Gaza to the elimination of senior Islamic Jihad officials by Israel is being delayed," Ben Shabat opens his words and adds that this is happening "despite the angry statements from the organization's senior officials and despite the announcement issued by the "Joint HML of the factions in Gaza."
Meir Ben Shabbat, photo: Efrat Eshel
ONE. The first possibility Ben Shabbat brings up is the effect of the surprise effect created by the Israeli attack early in the morning. "The desire of the Islamic Jihad is to start the response in a surprising move," states the head of the MLA. "An anti-tank attack on the roads near the Strip, an infiltration attack or the use of a tunnel, these are actions you have prepared that require additional time to organize."
TWO. Another possibility brought up by Ben Shabat is that the decision on the nature of the response is not made by the Islamic Jihad organization alone, and perhaps even that the wait is the result of a wider preparation. Ben Shabat states that there is a possibility that there is an "effort on the part of Jihad to motivate Hamas to participate in the fighting, or to allow a greater scope of action than it currently allows", in addition, Ben Shabat does not rule out that there is "an attempt to schedule the response with activity from another arena, which requires coordination and preparations".
Chairman of the Political Bureau of Hamas, Khaled Mashal, coordination talks between the organizations can explain the delay, photo: Reuters
THREE. Another explanation, offered by the former head of the MLA, is the Jihad's desire to schedule the response to the wee hours of the night in order to respond to Israel "measure for measure" for its night attack
More from Israel today
#3 Definition of Genocide
Genocide Convention | Definition | Excerpt from United Nations website
LINK to UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
The Genocide Convention establishes in Article I that the crime of genocide may take place in the context of an armed conflict, international or non-international, but also in the context of a peaceful situation. The latter is less common but still possible. The same article establishes the obligation of the contracting parties to prevent and to punish the crime of genocide.
The popular understanding of what constitutes genocide tends to be broader than the content of the norm under international law. Article II of the Genocide Convention contains a narrow definition of the crime of genocide, which includes two main elements:
Elements of the crime [TWO KEY ELEMENTS #1 MENTAL #2 PHYSICAL]
A mental element: the "intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such"; and
A physical element, which includes the following five acts, enumerated exhaustively:
Killing members of the group [SUCCESS]
Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group [SUCCESS]
Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part [SUCCESS]
Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group [SUCCESS]
Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group [no need to transfer--just kill them]
Definition of Genocide (full text)
Genocide Convention | Full Definition
Excerpt from United Nations website
LINK to UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
Article II
In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
Killing members of the group;
Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
Elements of the crime
The Genocide Convention establishes in Article I that the crime of genocide may take place in the context of an armed conflict, international or non-international, but also in the context of a peaceful situation. The latter is less common but still possible. The same article establishes the obligation of the contracting parties to prevent and to punish the crime of genocide.
The popular understanding of what constitutes genocide tends to be broader than the content of the norm under international law. Article II of the Genocide Convention contains a narrow definition of the crime of genocide, which includes two main elements:
A mental element: the "intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such"; and
A physical element, which includes the following five acts, enumerated exhaustively:
Killing members of the group
Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group
Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part
Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group
Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group
The intent is the most difficult element to determine. To constitute genocide, there must be a proven intent on the part of perpetrators to physically destroy a national, ethnical, racial or religious group. Cultural destruction does not suffice, nor does an intention to simply disperse a group. It is this special intent, or dolus specialis, that makes the crime of genocide so unique. In addition, case law has associated intent with the existence of a State or organizational plan or policy, even if the definition of genocide in international law does not include that element.
Importantly, the victims of genocide are deliberately targeted - not randomly – because of their real or perceived membership of one of the four groups protected under the Convention (which excludes political groups, for example). This means that the target of destruction must be the group, as such, and not its members as individuals. Genocide can also be committed against only a part of the group, as long as that part is identifiable (including within a geographically limited area) and “substantial.”
source: Link to UN website - Convention on Crime of Genocide
#4 ex-UN Official on Israel-Textbook Genocide
Interviews: U.N. Official Quits Calling Israel's action "Textbook Genocide"
U.N. Official Quits over Genocide Crime
"TEXTBOOK GENOCIDE".
(Video Except 4min) Al Jazeera Staff | 2 Nov 2023
4-minute video
Former UNRWA official says Gaza turning into ‘world’s largest open-air death camp’
Video 4 minutes | AlJazeera
READ: Interview with former U.N. Official Craig Mokhiber on Gaza
Craig Mokhiber, a top United Nations human rights official who stepped down at the weekend over the organisation’s response to the war in Gaza, has called on the UN to attach the same standards to Israel as it does when assessing human rights violations in other countries around the world.
Mokhiber, who was the director of the New York office of the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, wrote in his October 28 resignation letter that Israel’s military actions in Gaza were “textbook genocide”, and accused the UN of again “failing” to act, referring to previous genocides in Bosnia, Rwanda, and Myanmar.
Mokhiber, an international human rights lawyer, had been with the UN since 1992 and worked previously as a human rights adviser in Afghanistan and the occupied Palestinian territories.
At least 8,805 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli attacks in Gaza since October 7 after the armed group Hamas launched a surprise assault on Israel, killing at least 1,400 people and taking more than 200 people captive.
“The current wholesale slaughter of the Palestinian people, rooted in an ethno-nationalist colonial-settler ideology, in continuation of decades of their systematic persecution and purging, based entirely upon their status as Arabs … leaves no room for doubt,” Mokhiber said in his letter to the UN human rights chief, Volker Turk.
Al Jazeera’s correspondent at the UN, Gabriel Elizondo, sat down with Mokhiber in New York.
He asked him about his assessment of the situation in Gaza and the chances of a two-state solution.
The interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Al Jazeera: Why did you come to conclusion that the situation in Gaza amounts to a genocide?
Craig Mohkiber: Usually the most difficult part of proving genocide is intent because there has to be an intention to destroy in whole, or in part, a particular group. In this case, the intent by Israeli leaders has been so explicitly stated and publicly stated – by the prime minister, by the president, by senior cabinet ministers, by military leaders – that that is an easy case to make. It’s on the public record.
It’s important that we start using the language that the law sets out, just as you know, in recent times, every major international human rights organisation, Israeli human rights organisations, Palestinian human rights organisations, United Nations human rights mechanisms, independent mechanisms have found that the situation in Israel Palestine amounts to the crime of apartheid.
The UN needs to get used to addressing these particular violations, just as we have in other situations.
Former UNRWA official says Gaza turning into ‘world’s largest open-air death camp’
Al Jazeera: When we asked the secretary-general and his office about genocide, he won’t use that term. He says a previous secretary-general said that that is for courts to decide. Do you think that the secretary-general should start using the term ‘genocide’ when it comes to what we’re seeing in Gaza?
Mokhiber: If we can allege that we see war crimes, crimes against humanity, as we have often done, there’s no reason to exclude, where we see very strong evidence, the possibility of genocide being committed, and I think you’re going to be hearing that term more and more in connection with what we’re witnessing in Gaza.
But institutions, of course, have to go through the necessary steps before they can make that pronouncement. As of today, I am an independent citizen, not carrying the institution on my shoulders. And I feel quite confident as a human rights lawyer in saying that what I see unfolding in Gaza and beyond is genocide.Al Jazeera: [US President] Joe Biden has recently said that after this conflict is over, we need to get back to a two-state solution. In your letter, you say the mantra of a two-state solution has become, and I quote, an open joke in the corridors of the United Nations where we are sitting right now. Is it really an open joke in the corridors of the United Nations?
Mokhiber: Yes, and it has been for quite a long time, if you ask somebody in their official capacity about the two states, and they will repeat that phrase over and over again as the official position of the United Nations. Indeed, that is the official position of the United States. But nobody who follows these circumstances either from the political side or from the human rights side believes that a two-state solution is possible anymore.
There’s nothing left for a Palestinian state that would be sustainable or just or were possible in any respect, and everyone knows that.
And secondly, that solution never dealt with the problem of the fundamental human rights of Palestinians. So for example, it would leave them as second-class citizens without full human rights inside what is now Israel proper.
What will it take to launch a war crimes probe against Israel?
And so when people are not talking from official talking points, you hear increasingly about a one-state solution.
And what that means is beginning to advocate for the principle of equality of human rights instead of these old political taglines, that would mean a state in which we’ll have equal rights for Christians, Muslims and Jews, based upon human rights and based upon the rule of law. It is what we call for in every other circumstance around the world. And the question is, why is the United Nations not going for that in Israel and Palestine?
Examples of Intent (Continued)
E2. Defense Minister Yoav Gallant
YOAV GALLANT, Defense minister announces ‘complete siege’ of Gaza: No power, food or fuel
By Emanuel Fabian 9 October 2023, Times of Israel
Defense Minister Yoav Gallant says he has ordered a “complete siege” of the Gaza Strip, as Israel fights the Hamas terror group.
“I have ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed,” Gallant says following an assessment at the IDF Southern Command in Beersheba.
“We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly,” he adds.
E3. Energy Minister Israel Katz (2023)
Israel Katz, Energy Minister | No power, water or fuel to Gaza until hostages freed, says Israel minister
US secretary of state lands in Tel Aviv after fifth night of bombardment and preparations for ground invasion
Bethan McKernan in Jerusalem, The Guardian, 12 Oct 2023
The energy minister, Israel Katz, wrote on social media that no “electrical switch will be turned on, no water hydrant will be opened and no fuel truck will enter” until the “abductees” were free. The United Nations experts have condemned the Israeli bombardment as “collective punishment”, which is a war crime.
E4. Major General (res.) Giora Eiland (GGE): prominent government spokesperson
2023oct08 | Giora's Game Plan: Total Destruction & Genocide says Major General (res.) Giora Eiland, former head of the Israel National Security Council [Interview]
Giora Eiland outlines plan to get hostages back alive [by completing a genocide and humanitarian crisis]
8 Oct, 2023 Ariel Whitman en.globes.co.il
Major General (res.) Giora Eiland, former head of the Israel National Security Council, insists Israel must create a humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
"There is here a complete parallel with the Yom Kippur Way," says Major General (res.) Giora Eiland, former head of the Israel National Security Council. An intelligence surprise can always happen. If the enemy is planning something and you know and you are prepared, then they won't do what they are going to do, so there will always be an element of surprise."
"There was a huge surprise here. That's a fact," Eiland added. "But that's not the saddest fact. The bigger problem is that the army has to be built to respond even in an extreme situation of surprise, including at problematic times. Problematic timing, weekends, holidays and Saturdays. Six in the morning. Just when everyone is either on vacation or tends to be sleepy. The army should be able to respond to such a scenario routinely, and the response that the army thought it knew how to give, it thought it had a response to a surprise: very high-quality surveillance systems that detect every movement in Gaza and that has enough surrounding forces, that has control over the crossings and a strong barrier. It didn't live up to it. And when it happened, the army was unable to take control of the situation for a very long time."
"You have to know how to end this operation in a very strong way"
Eiland adds, "For the sake of comparison, I was an officer in an army outpost on the Golan Heights a short time before the Yom Kippur War. The atmosphere in the State of Israel back then was that everything was wonderful and there wouldn't be a war. They wouldn't dare to attack us. But in my outpost I behaved in exactly the opposite way. Not because I didn't believe the messages but because they weren't of interest to me."
He continued, "From my point of view I was responsible that every day, every hour and every minute, my outpost was ready to fight the best that it could. And it was of no interest to me what the likelihood was that this would happen. That's what you want to happen at the operational response level and as things look right now, and I say this cautiously, on the ground this completely the opposite of what we expected. From what I just described."
He added, "People act according to some kind of awareness that is put into their heads, and also from what you tell them. Many times there will be A, but they are aware of B - it's hard to change that. They put two things into our heads. Firstly, that our intelligence is so good, so that if there is any kind of attack we will know about it in advance, and the second thing is that the barrier we built for NIS 3 billion is so robotic and excellent that even if they tried, they would not be able to get past it. And you go to sleep in your tank or as an infantry soldier and you are 500 meters from the fence, but you say that if something happens, there will be intelligence, the barrier will help, so I don't have to worry. So instead of being in position and ready to fight at six in the morning, you are asleep and this is the result."
Will the weakness projected yesterday impact other arenas?
"Of course it will be very much felt. We don't know where this will go, but for that we also need to know how to end this campaign in a stronger way than we did in previous operations. It also requires much more far-reaching steps than Israel has ever taken. "Gaza is a state. You are fighting against a state, you are not only fighting against its army but against all of its capabilities, including its economy.
That is why Israel should completely shut down everything that happens economically in Gaza. [COLLECTIVE PUNISHMENT]
Goods and gas, fuel and electricity and water and food. Not only to win the battle, but also because we have so many hostages there. If we ever want to see the hostages alive, the only way is to create a severe humanitarian crisis in Gaza. When international institutions shout about a humanitarian crisis in Gaza and bodies are piling up in the hospital and they cannot treat them, we will reply, 'We have no problem solving the real problems of Gaza, but give us back our prisoners first."
Published by Globes, Israel business news - en.globes.co.il - on October 8, 2023.
© Copyright of Globes Publisher Itonut (1983) Ltd., 2023.
https://en.globes.co.il/en/article-giora-eiland-outlines-plan-to-get-hostages-back-alive-1001459631
(GGE.1)Hamas in Tunnels, Hitting Surface to Cause Humanitarian Crisis for Civilians? Clear Intent to Kill Civilians
"All of them [Hamas] are in tunnels. So, we will have to find effective way to reach the tunnels and to make sure that people over there cannot, cannot stay or cannot exist."
—Major General (res.) Giora Eiland, former head of the Israel National Security Council | 21 Oct Briefing video
(GGE.2) Ruining Gaza and Killing Civilians is the Goal of Destroying Surface civilization. Hamas (in Tunnels) is Not the Intended Target.
“So it might create a real continuous humanitarian and economic crisis in Gaza. We will probably not stay there longer than needed. So we will withdraw to some other line. And who will take care for the situation in Gaza?
We hope that as I said Hamas will not exist. Who will take care for about two million people who might be left there?
The answer is I don't know. No one knows. And no one really wants to help.”
- Major General (res.) Eiland 8 Oct, 2023 | The Globe
—Major General (res.) Giora Eiland, former head of the Israel National Security Council | 21 Oct Briefing video
(GGE.3) Hitting Hospitals not for Hamas but for Genocide
"If we ever want to see the hostages alive, the only way is to create a severe humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
When international institutions shout about a humanitarian crisis in Gaza and bodies are piling up in the hospital and they cannot treat them,
we will reply,
'We have no problem solving the real problems of Gaza, but give us back our prisoners first.’ "- Major General (res.) Giora Eiland, former head of the Israel National Security Council | 21 Oct Briefing video
(GGE.4) Zionist contempt for international-rules-based order and civilian life. Palestinians to Zionists are Jews to Hitler. Non-Humans
"We see a very solid anti-Israel front; anyone who still fantasizes about [achieving] overall peace with the Arabs, it's not only that it won't happen [anyway, but now] we are much more isolated…If we're talking about the international arena, the battle is not over. Arab countries: it's a lost battle [to get their support]. We're in a tough fight with the rest of the world."
"The world tells us that 'You had a terrible humanitarian disaster, but the dead cannot be brought back. We have no leverage on Hamas, but there's another humanitarian disaster in Gaza”
"There is no entity in the world, including the United States, that supports Israel's war objective - the elimination of Hamas."
–Major General (res.) Eiland 22 Oct, 2023 | Jerusalem Post
Queen Ranis Calls out Double-Standard
History Repeats: UN spokesman cries on camera over Gaza school attack (2014)
Video 1 minute | theGuardian
1,000+ Black Pastors against Genocide
Is Biden losing support in Black community? Yes! Is Biden considered the lesser of two evils?
(GGE.5) Contempt for Hostage lives & their families; Bibi Regime's Resentment about Release of Hostages
"Now let's speak about the hostages...Many of them are probably wounded not to mention some other problems and the Hamas in a quite cynical way released unconditionally two of the hostages. Not surprisingly these two women have an American passport or citizenship and they try to send some kind of implicit signal:
“look um we might release other people later but we will do it upon our decision and only whenever we decide it so if you want these people uh to survive don't carry out any ground operation because if you do then those people might be killed"
I think this creates some dilemma in front of the Israeli government but I assume that it will not cause us to give up the ground operation because it means that if we accept this kind of Hamas implicit indirect not official offer, we will be completely uh dependent on the goodwill, actually bad-will of Hamas."
Major General (res.) Giora Eiland, l | 21 Oct Briefing video
(GGE. 6)What Bibi's Regime does NOT want Release of Hostages- Eiland says as much below in Zionist-speak.
Setting Expectations: Low chance of safe return of hostages, Very high chance of a long siege on Gaza
HEADLINE: Giora Eiland: 'The chances of returning hostages are not high'
"Sinwar's... goal is to demolish the State of Israel, so even the achievement of releasing all the prisoners is not enough."
RE Hostage Release: "It's a goal that, even if you define it, the chances of fully realizing it are not high."
"Even if we tell Hamas today,
'I'm willing to release all the terrorists from Israeli prisons, including the most despicable murderers, in exchange for all the captives,' you have no deal. [Hamas leader Yahya] Sinwar's euphoria is so high, that from his perspective, the goal is to demolish the State of Israel, so even the achievement of releasing all the prisoners is not enough...Let's say such a deal happens: Hamas isn't stupid – they won't release the hostages all at once, they'll stretch this over five years."
–Major General (res.) Eiland 22 Oct, 2023 | Jerusalem Post
E5. Israeli Likud Politician, Bibi-phile, former UN Ambassador Danny Danon (deport/exterminate)
05 Nov: Expel The Gazans
Likud’s Danon dismisses Sa’ar as serious rival to Netanyahu, calls to push into Rafah
Lawmaker and former UN ambassador says he supports inclusion in war cabinet of ‘anyone who calls for a more aggressive approach’, brands caution over entering Rafah a mistake
By Sam Sokol 22 March 2024
Longtime Likud lawmaker Danny Danon dismissed former colleague Gideon Sa’ar as a serious competitor to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday, although he said he would not object to Sa’ar’s inclusion in the war cabinet.
“Sa’ar was a member of the Likud. He left the Likud and now has his own, small, party. So I don’t think he’s competing with the Likud today,” said MK Danon, a former senior politician who was placed 15th on the party’s list in the last elections after finishing a stint as Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations.
Last week, Sa’ar announced the breakup of his National Unity alliance with Benny Gantz, taking his three fellow New Hope-The United Right MKs with him and essentially stripping the party of its right-wing flank. Sa’ar also demanded a seat on the war cabinet.
While it is the prime minister’s decision to appoint anyone to the key, small decision-making body, “I would support anyone who calls for a more aggressive approach,” Danon said, arguing that delays in the IDF pushing into the southern Gaza city of Rafah “are not helpful.”
Israel argues that it is crucial to move into Rafah, where Hamas has its last major stronghold. However, the move has faced wall-to-wall international objections, including from the United States, concerned that the city is sheltering more than 1 million displaced Palestinians.
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Being so cautious “was a mistake,” Danon continued, stating that Israel should have withstood pressure from the US and other allies. “We should have continued with full power.”
Asked about Yisrael Beytenu chairman Avigdor Liberman’s recent statement that if the right-wing camp wanted to stay in power, the only way was to find new leadership, Danon — who challenged Netanyahu for the Likud chair in 2007 and 2014 — replied that “we don’t really appreciate those who give us advice on how to conduct our affairs in the party.”
“I don’t think they really care about the future of the party. And I think today we should care less about the polls and more about what’s happening in Gaza. If Netanyahu will lead the nation to full victory, I think that’s what we expect him to do and that’s the only way for Israel to recover,” he said.
“I think Netanyahu is aware of that… He knows that he has to deliver.”
Netanyahu’s perceived credibility and popularity — already battered by nearly a year of fighting over his government’s controversial judicial overhaul — suffered heavily in the aftermath of October 7, when Hamas terrorists rampaged through southern Israel, killing some 1,200 people and taking 253 hostages.
Netanyahu has notably avoided taking responsibility for the October 7 onslaught, unlike the defense minister and many top IDF officers.
Former Likud minister and recent UN ambassador Danny Danon, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in an undated photo. (Eyal Eliyahu)
In November, a survey from Bar Ilan University and polling company iPanel found that less than 4 percent of the Jewish Israeli public believed the prime minister was a reliable source of information on the war in Gaza.
The figure rose slightly to 6.63% among right-wing voters.
A Channel 12 poll aired last Tuesday evening found that a potential coalition led by Benny Gantz would secure 69 of the Knesset’s 120 seats if elections were held today, compared to a bloc led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which would win 46 seats.
When asked who they would like to see as prime minister, more respondents said Gantz over Netanyahu, by a margin of 41% to 29%.
Among the criticisms of Netanyahu has been his failure to confront his ultra-Orthodox coalition partners over the issue of the draft, especially given the army’s current manpower shortage.
Ultra-Orthodox, or Haredi, men of military age have been able to avoid drafting to the IDF for decades by enrolling for study in yeshivas and obtaining repeated one-year service deferrals until they reach the age of military exemption at 26.
Asked about the issue, Danon replied that “there is a general understanding in the Likud party that something must be done after October 7 and we cannot continue with the idea of business as usual.”
“I’m also happy to hear similar voices from colleagues in Shas — Minister Arbel, Minister Margi, Minister Buso saying similar things — and I think the challenge will be to find some kind of a compromise,” he said.
“We don’t think we will be able to force Haredim to join the military — but to build tracks that will allow them to do national service or volunteer service. I think it’s more feasible and I think now is the right time to do that.”
Dismissing efforts by opposition politicians Avigdor Liberman and Yair Lapid to pass universal enlistment legislation through the Knesset without coalition support, Danon said that after a successful compromise “both sides should not be happy about everything.”
“But we need a compromise, and I think that once we reach that compromise, we will see the number going up.”
Israel Proposes Expulsion of Hundreds of Thousands of Gazans as ‘Humanitarian Initiative’ Minister suggests dropping 'atom bomb' on Gaza
Richard Silverstein November 5, 2023
Gazans, expelled from homes, are now refugees. Israel seeks to make them twice refugees in a single month (AP)
The NY Times just reported that Israel has taken what I thought were two off-the-wall proposals to ethnically cleanse Gaza, and turned them into official proposals it submitted to its major allies, the US and the UK, among others:
Israel has quietly tried to build international support in recent weeks for the transfer of several hundred thousand civilians from Gaza to Egypt for the duration of its war in the territory, according to six senior foreign diplomats.
Israeli leaders and diplomats have privately proposed the idea to several foreign governments, framing it as a humanitarian initiative that would allow civilians to temporarily escape the perils of Gaza for refugee camps in the Sinai Desert, just across the border in neighboring Egypt.
“Humanitarian,” my ass. Any times I hear an Israeli official say that word, I know it conceals a sinister motive. Not to mention, the rejection of Israel’s proposal allows it to say to the world after the death toll spirals toward 20,000: we offered you a way out and you rejected it. Now don’t blame us for the results. That would be a deeply cynical and immoral perspective, but one characteristic of Israel.
Those countries encouraged to consider this proposal were rightly skeptical, even more than skeptical I would hope:
The suggestion was dismissed by most of Israel’s interlocutors — who include the United States and Britain — because of the risk that such a mass displacement could become permanent. These countries fear that such a development might destabilize Egypt and lock significant numbers of Palestinians out of their homeland, according to the diplomats, who spoke anonymously in order to discuss a sensitive matter more freely.
image: Two boys fleeing their homes under Israeli threat of attack
1-million Palestinian refugees were expelled from Israel during the Nakba. Only a few hundred at most returned. The post-1948 Infiltrator Law declared that the returnees could be shot, and many were.
The reporters attribution for his story is “six foreign diplomats.” Clearly they are the ambassadors of six countries whose governments Israel approached in its campaign for support. These governments were so alarmed, they all decided together to fire a shot across Israel’s bow by leaking it to the Times. That will–Biden, Blinken and others hope–send the Israeli officials peddling a plan for ethnic cleansing tied up in a bow to look like a ‘humanitarian’ birthday gift, scurrying back to their official lairs.
Some of Bibi’s close political allies have offered similar proposals which have the false ring of sincerity:
Danny Danon…a former Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, said he supported evacuating Gazan civilians to give Israel more room to maneuver during its ground invasion of Gaza, and to move civilians out of harm’s way.
“We’re trying to lower the level of casualties for our troops and for the civilians,” Mr. Danon said…”We expect not only the Egyptians, but the entire international community to make a genuine effort to support and accept the residents of Gaza.”
That phrase–we Israelis “expect” the world to do this or that–it’s so damn Israeli. We, a country of 9-million people, expect our Arab neighbors and the greatest superpower in the world, to make the genocidal process of war in Gaza more convenient for us.
2023nov05 NYT | Israel Quietly Pushed for Egypt to Admit Large Numbers of Gazans
The Israeli government has not publicly called for large numbers of Gazans to move to Egypt. But in private, diplomats say, it has pushed for just that — augmenting Palestinian fears of a permanent expulsion.
By Patrick Kingsley, the Jerusalem bureau chief, spoke to diplomats about Israel’s secret push for Egypt to admit hundreds of thousands of Gazans.
Nov. 5, 2023 [excerpt from nytimes]
Israel has quietly tried to build international support in recent weeks for the transfer of several hundred thousand civilians from Gaza to Egypt for the duration of its war in the territory, according to six senior foreign diplomats.
Israeli leaders and diplomats have privately proposed the idea to several foreign governments, framing it as a humanitarian initiative that would allow civilians to temporarily escape the perils of Gaza for refugee camps in the Sinai Desert, just across the border in neighboring Egypt.
Danny Danon, a lawmaker from Mr. Netanyahu’s Likud party and a former Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, said he supported evacuating Gazan civilians to give Israel more room to maneuver during its ground invasion of Gaza, and to move civilians out of harm’s way.
“We’re trying to lower the level of casualties for our troops and for the civilians,” Mr. Danon said in a phone interview. “We expect not only the Egyptians, but the entire international community to make a genuine effort to support and accept the residents of Gaza.”
Mr. Danon added that the idea would need the agreement of the Egyptian government, which controls Gaza’s southern border. However, Mr. Danon is not a member of the government and could not confirm whether Israel had been pushing foreign governments to back such a plan.
Israel’s diplomatic push has added to a growing sense of uncertainty about what will happen if Israel takes control over parts or all of Gaza, even temporarily, at the end of its military operations.
continue reading
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/05/world/middleeast/israel-egypt-gaza.html
Jan 3, 2024 #palkisharma #vantageonfirstpost #firstpost
Israeli Ministers Want to Expel Palestinians From Gaza | Vantage with Palki Sharma Far-right ministers in Israel's government are leading calls to expel Palestinians from Gaza and repopulate the strip with Jews. The US has condemned these statements, calling them "irresponsible rhetoric". The confusion around Israel's post-war plan stems from prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu's silence on the issue. Palki Sharma tells you more.
Foreign Policy interview with Dr. Rashid Khaldi
Columbia University, Edward Said Professor of Modern Arab Studies
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken conspired in Plan to Forcibly Expel Gazans
E6. Minister Amichai Eliyahu (nuke'em) and former Israeli UN Ambassador Danny Danon (deport/evacuate)
05 Nov: There are no non-combatants in the Gaza Strip, Nuke them says Israeli's Jerusalem Affairs Minister
Israel Proposes Expulsion of Hundreds of Thousands of Gazans as ‘Humanitarian Initiative’ Minister suggests dropping 'atom bomb' on Gaza
Richard Silverstein November 5, 2023
Gazans, expelled from homes, are now refugees. Israel seeks to make them twice refugees in a single month (AP)
The NY Times just reported that Israel has taken what I thought were two off-the-wall proposals to ethnically cleanse Gaza, and turned them into official proposals it submitted to its major allies, the US and the UK, among others:
Israel has quietly tried to build international support in recent weeks for the transfer of several hundred thousand civilians from Gaza to Egypt for the duration of its war in the territory, according to six senior foreign diplomats.
Israeli leaders and diplomats have privately proposed the idea to several foreign governments, framing it as a humanitarian initiative that would allow civilians to temporarily escape the perils of Gaza for refugee camps in the Sinai Desert, just across the border in neighboring Egypt.
“Humanitarian,” my ass. Any times I hear an Israeli official say that word, I know it conceals a sinister motive. Not to mention, the rejection of Israel’s proposal allows it to say to the world after the death toll spirals toward 20,000: we offered you a way out and you rejected it. Now don’t blame us for the results. That would be a deeply cynical and immoral perspective, but one characteristic of Israel.
Those countries encouraged to consider this proposal were rightly skeptical, even more than skeptical I would hope:
The suggestion was dismissed by most of Israel’s interlocutors — who include the United States and Britain — because of the risk that such a mass displacement could become permanent. These countries fear that such a development might destabilize Egypt and lock significant numbers of Palestinians out of their homeland, according to the diplomats, who spoke anonymously in order to discuss a sensitive matter more freely.
image: Two boys fleeing their homes under Israeli threat of attack
1-million Palestinian refugees were expelled from Israel during the Nakba. Only a few hundred at most returned. The post-1948 Infiltrator Law declared that the returnees could be shot, and many were.
The reporters attribution for his story is “six foreign diplomats.” Clearly they are the ambassadors of six countries whose governments Israel approached in its campaign for support. These governments were so alarmed, they all decided together to fire a shot across Israel’s bow by leaking it to the Times. That will–Biden, Blinken and others hope–send the Israeli officials peddling a plan for ethnic cleansing tied up in a bow to look like a ‘humanitarian’ birthday gift, scurrying back to their official lairs.
Some of Bibi’s close political allies have offered similar proposals which have the false ring of sincerity:
Danny Danon…a former Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, said he supported evacuating Gazan civilians to give Israel more room to maneuver during its ground invasion of Gaza, and to move civilians out of harm’s way.
“We’re trying to lower the level of casualties for our troops and for the civilians,” Mr. Danon said…”We expect not only the Egyptians, but the entire international community to make a genuine effort to support and accept the residents of Gaza.”
That phrase–we Israelis “expect” the world to do this or that–it’s so damn Israeli. We, a country of 9-million people, expect our Arab neighbors and the greatest superpower in the world, to make the genocidal process of war in Gaza more convenient for us.
2023nov05 NYT | Israel Quietly Pushed for Egypt to Admit Large Numbers of Gazans
The Israeli government has not publicly called for large numbers of Gazans to move to Egypt. But in private, diplomats say, it has pushed for just that — augmenting Palestinian fears of a permanent expulsion.
By Patrick Kingsley, the Jerusalem bureau chief, spoke to diplomats about Israel’s secret push for Egypt to admit hundreds of thousands of Gazans.
Nov. 5, 2023 [excerpt from nytimes]
Israel has quietly tried to build international support in recent weeks for the transfer of several hundred thousand civilians from Gaza to Egypt for the duration of its war in the territory, according to six senior foreign diplomats.
Israeli leaders and diplomats have privately proposed the idea to several foreign governments, framing it as a humanitarian initiative that would allow civilians to temporarily escape the perils of Gaza for refugee camps in the Sinai Desert, just across the border in neighboring Egypt.
Danny Danon, a lawmaker from Mr. Netanyahu’s Likud party and a former Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, said he supported evacuating Gazan civilians to give Israel more room to maneuver during its ground invasion of Gaza, and to move civilians out of harm’s way.
“We’re trying to lower the level of casualties for our troops and for the civilians,” Mr. Danon said in a phone interview. “We expect not only the Egyptians, but the entire international community to make a genuine effort to support and accept the residents of Gaza.”
Mr. Danon added that the idea would need the agreement of the Egyptian government, which controls Gaza’s southern border. However, Mr. Danon is not a member of the government and could not confirm whether Israel had been pushing foreign governments to back such a plan.
Israel’s diplomatic push has added to a growing sense of uncertainty about what will happen if Israel takes control over parts or all of Gaza, even temporarily, at the end of its military operations.
continue reading
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/05/world/middleeast/israel-egypt-gaza.html
05 Nov: former UN Ambassador Danny Danon - Egypt, Exodus for US, Expel for them Gazans (Take'em por favor)
2023nov05 NYT | Israel Quietly Pushed for Egypt to Admit Large Numbers of Gazans
The Israeli government has not publicly called for large numbers of Gazans to move to Egypt. But in private, diplomats say, it has pushed for just that — augmenting Palestinian fears of a permanent expulsion.
By Patrick Kingsley, the Jerusalem bureau chief, spoke to diplomats about Israel’s secret push for Egypt to admit hundreds of thousands of Gazans.
Nov. 5, 2023 [excerpt from nytimes]
Israel has quietly tried to build international support in recent weeks for the transfer of several hundred thousand civilians from Gaza to Egypt for the duration of its war in the territory, according to six senior foreign diplomats.
Israeli leaders and diplomats have privately proposed the idea to several foreign governments, framing it as a humanitarian initiative that would allow civilians to temporarily escape the perils of Gaza for refugee camps in the Sinai Desert, just across the border in neighboring Egypt.
Danny Danon, a lawmaker from Mr. Netanyahu’s Likud party and a former Israeli ambassador to the United Nations, said he supported evacuating Gazan civilians to give Israel more room to maneuver during its ground invasion of Gaza, and to move civilians out of harm’s way.
“We’re trying to lower the level of casualties for our troops and for the civilians,” Mr. Danon said in a phone interview. “We expect not only the Egyptians, but the entire international community to make a genuine effort to support and accept the residents of Gaza.”
Mr. Danon added that the idea would need the agreement of the Egyptian government, which controls Gaza’s southern border. However, Mr. Danon is not a member of the government and could not confirm whether Israel had been pushing foreign governments to back such a plan.
Israel’s diplomatic push has added to a growing sense of uncertainty about what will happen if Israel takes control over parts or all of Gaza, even temporarily, at the end of its military operations.
continue reading
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/05/world/middleeast/israel-egypt-gaza.html
E7. Misgav Sr. Fellow, Brig. General (ret), Head IDF Intel Research | Three (3) Conditions for Completing Genocide
Brig. General (ret), IDF Intel Chief, Three (3) Conditions for Completing Holocaust & Nazi-Biden World Order
THREE CONDITIONS FOR COMPLETING HOLOCAUST AND TERRITORY LAND-GRAB AND NAZI-WORLD ORDER
CONDITION#1 - GAIN TOTAL CONTROL OF GAZA / DESTROY ALL / EXPEL GAZANS THEN SECURE RELEASE OF HOSTAGES
CONDITION#2 SUCKER DUMBASS JOE BIDEN INTO ALLOWING US TO RAM 2.2 MILLION GAZANS AGAINST RAFAH GATE! (of Zionist Nazi-supremacy)
CONDITION#3 DUMBASS JOE--THIS IS JUST LIKE UKRAINE V. RUSSIA (EXCEPT WE'RE RUSSIA!) - BRAVE NEW NAZI WORLD ORDER
עם הכרעת חמאס יש להבהיר לארה"ב: זו גם המלחמה שלה | ישראל היום
Yossi Kuperwasser
Brig. Gen. (ret.) Yossi Kuperwasser is a senior project manager at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA) and a senior research fellow at Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy.
He served as director-general of the Strategic Affairs Ministry and as head of the IDF Military Intelligence's Research Division.
ARTICLE#1 With the decision of Hamas, it must be made clear to the US: this is also its war
Interpretation: Victory in the complex campaign against Iran and its metastases requires a clear decision in Gaza and Washington and Israeli unity • Taking control of Gaza will give Israel the necessary leverage to release the hostages, because as long as Hamas is not convinced that Israel is determined to eliminate its presence in Gaza - it has no interest in giving up the main asset in its possession
by Brigadier General Yossi Kopervasser
31 December 2023 www-israelhayom-co-il.translate.goog
Victory in the complex campaign against Iran and its metastases requires a clear decision in Gaza and Washington and Israeli unity. The multi-arena war between Iran and its metastases, led by Hamas, backed by the Muslim Brotherhood (Qatar, Turkey and their supporters around the world) and Israel, backed by the US and some Western countries, has been going on for close to three months. Each arena has its own unique characteristics, derived from the manner in which it was opened The war, from the considerations of the factors involved in it and their capabilities.
According to Defense Minister Yoav Galant, Israel fights in seven arenas (Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Judea and Samaria, Yemen, Iraq and Iran), but in practice we must add to this the international arena, where Israel fights to preserve American backing, as well as for the legitimacy of its operation and existence and against anti-Semitism .
This is a no-choice war, which was imposed on Israel and began under extremely difficult opening conditions, and precisely because of this Israel and the US must end in victory. Several conditions are required to achieve it.
CONDITION#1 - GAIN TOTAL CONTROL OF GAZA / DESTROY ALL / EXPEL GAZANS THEN SECURE RELEASE OF HOSTAGES
The first and most important of all is a clear decision by Hamas in Gaza and the release of the abductees. The decision means Israeli control at the end of a phase The fighting is at a high intensity over the entire area, including Rafah and the Philadelphia axis (with the possible exception of international management of the displaced in the safe areas intended to ensure the peace of the population during the area's cleansing phase, which will probably last several months).
The end of the high-intensity fighting before this goal is achieved, only because we will reach a predetermined time point (the end of January?), will allow Hamas to claim that it has forced Israel to actually change the goals of the war and will encourage the supporters of the terrorist organization, who have set themselves the goal of ensuring the survival of Hamas in Gaza, if only on A small part of its surface. As long as Hamas controls the Gazan side of the Rafah crossing and is perceived by the population as a governing entity, it can claim that it has managed to survive, and by implication - to win.
It is also important to deepen the American understanding that a victory over Hamas requires creating a reality in the Strip that will not allow the renewed growth of terrorist elements. Therefore, not only Hamas, but also the weak and corrupt Palestinian Authority is not fit to accept responsibility for Gaza the day after.
The reason: it continues to be committed to the fight against Israel, encourages terrorism (through incitement and paying salaries to banned terrorists) and sees Hamas as a legitimate organization that should be part of the leadership.
Taking control of the entire territory will give Israel the necessary leverage to release the abductees as well. As long as Hamas is not convinced that Israel is determined to eliminate its presence in Gaza, it has no interest in giving up the main asset in its possession, except in exchange for an Israeli commitment to avoid the complete takeover of the Strip.
CONDITION#2 SUCKER DUMBASS JOE BIDEN INTO ALLOWING US TO RAM 2.2 MILLION GAZANS AGAINST RAFAH GATE! (of Zionist Nazi-supremacy)
The second condition is reaching an understanding with the American administration, because this is America's war almost as much as it is Israel's war:
the continuation of the current situation in all arenas will harm its position in the region and on the global level,
and will exacerbate the threats to the security of American citizens and Washington's interests.
The Americans understand the importance of Israel's victory over Hamas in Gaza, but their stated desire to avoid being dragged into a regional war and the expectation from Israel to end the armed phase of the fighting even before the takeover of the entire strip is complete encourage Iran and its affiliates to continue to gradually escalate their actions, in the hope that the administration will stop Israel.
CONDITION#3 DUMBASS JOE--THIS IS JUST LIKE UKRAINE V. RUSSIA (EXCEPT WE'RE RUSSIA!) - BRAVE NEW NAZI WORLD ORDER
SUCKER JOE INTO BUYING ARGUMENT THAT SAFEGUARDING 'NAZI WORLD ORDER" REQUIRES EXTERMINATING 2.2 MILLIONGET USA TO UNDERSTAND DEFEATING HAMAS IS NECESSARY FOR THE REGIONAL & WORLD ORDER
The defeat of Hamas and American understanding that this is also a war for the regional and world order, which will translate into a willingness to act to win, if the Iranians and their allies do not stop their power moves and give up their capabilities, are essential for creating political pressure on Iran, Hezbollah, the Houthis and the militias subordinate to Iran, and for an effective operation of military force against them if necessary.
This is a condition for creating a new security reality along the northern border that will give the residents a sense of security and allow them to return to their homes;
This is a condition for the security of navigation in the Strait of Bab al-Mandab;
This is a condition for curbing the Iranian nuclear program, which again accelerated during the war;
And this is a condition for promoting the effort to establish a pragmatic regional center of gravity, with normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia at its heart. Israel and the US need each other in these arenas, and Israel must reinforce to the Americans this mutual dependence and ownership in order to ensure their commitment to achieving the common goals.
Israel's ability to realize the two conditions for victory will be largely influenced by its ability to shake off the willful blindness that has characterized it regarding the intentions of its enemies [nazi state of perpetual war and crisis] and discover internal unity [nazi talk]. This is not only the clear message of the fighters and the fallen, but also the strategic order of the hour. The greater and clearer the unity [OF NAZI HOLOCAUSTING AN, the easier it will be for Israel to mobilize its petitions and American support to achieve the goals of the war.
More from Israel today
The author was the head of the research division at AMAN, and is now a senior researcher at the Jerusalem Center for Public and State Affairs and a fellow at the Misgav Institute
PHOTO Prime Minister Netanyahu, photo: Kobi Gideon/L.A.M
PHOTO: Houthi rebels on a motorboat in the Red Sea, photo: AFP
PHOTO: War of Iron Swords, renewal of fighting in Gaza, photo: AFP
PHOTO: Fighting in Gaza, archive, photo: IDF spokesman
PHOTO: The continuation of the current situation in all arenas will harm the position of the USA in the region and at the global level, photo: AFP
PHOTO: Damage to Gaza during the round of fighting, photo: Reuters
ARTICLE#2 [very similar article to Misgav article above] Israel must send a clear message to the US
israelhayom.com 01-02-2024
Brig. Gen. (ret.) Yossi Kuperwasser is a senior project manager at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA) and a senior research fellow at Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy. He served as director-general of the Strategic Affairs Ministry and as head of the IDF Military Intelligence's Research Division.
https://jcpa.org/key-people/ info@jcpa.org
A decisive victory in the complex campaign against Iran and its proxies requires a clear outcome in Gaza, as well as Israeli unity. The multi-front war – with Iran and its proxies,
chiefly Hamas,
backed by the Muslim Brotherhood (Qatar, Turkey, and their supporters worldwide) on the one hand,
and Israel, the US, and parts of Western support on the other hand – has been going on for close to three months now.
Each front has its own unique characteristics, derived from how the war began, the considerations of the actors involved, and their capabilities.
According to Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, Israel is fighting on seven fronts (Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Judea and Samaria, Yemen, Iraq, and Iran), but in practice, the world stage forms another arena, and this is where Israel is fighting to maintain American backing as well as for the legitimacy of its actions and existence, and against antisemitism.
This is not a war of choice; it has been forced upon Israel, [bullshit, no imminent threat] and which began under extremely difficult opening conditions. And for that very reason, both Israel and the US must end it in victory. Achieving this requires several conditions.
CONDITION#1 - GAIN TOTAL CONTROL OF GAZA / EXPEL GAZANS THEN SECURE RELEASE OF HOSTAGES
The first and most important is a clear defeat of Hamas in Gaza and the release of the captives. This means Israeli control at the end of high-intensity fighting over the entire area, including Rafah and the Philadelphi Route (excluding perhaps international management of displaced persons in secured areas designated to ensure the safety of the population during the mopping-up stage, which will likely last several months).
Ending the major combat operations before this goal is achieved just because we've reached a predetermined point in time (end of January?) will allow Hamas to claim that it forced Israel to effectively change its war goals in practice, and will encourage supporters of the terrorist organization who set themselves the goal of ensuring Hamas' survival in Gaza, even if only in a small part of its territory. As long as Hamas controls the Gazan side of the Rafah crossing and is perceived by the population as a governing entity, it would be able to claim it had managed to survive, and by implication – won.
It is also important to drive home the message – in talks with the US – that defeating Hamas requires creating a reality in the strip that will not allow terrorists to rear their heads. Therefore, not only Hamas but also the weak and corrupt Palestinian Authority is unsuitable to take over responsibility for Gaza post-war: It remains committed to the armed conflict against Israel, encourages terror (through incitement and payment of salaries to imprisoned terrorists), and sees Hamas as a legitimate organization that should be part of the leadership.
Gaining control over the entire area will also give Israel the necessary leverage to release the captives. As long as Hamas is not convinced that Israel is determined to eliminate its presence in Gaza, it has no interest in giving up its main asset, other than in return for an Israeli commitment to refrain from completing the takeover of the strip.
CONDITION#2 SUCKER DUMBASS JOE BIDEN INTO ALLOWING US TO RAM 2.2 MILLION GAZANS AGAINST RAFAH GATE! (of Zionist Nazi-supremacy)
The second condition is reaching an understanding with the American administration that this is the US war almost to the same extent as it is Israel's:
Continuation of the current state of affairs on all fronts will damage its standing in the region and globally,
and exacerbate threats to the security of American citizens and Washington's interests.
The Americans understand the importance of Israel's victory over Hamas in Gaza, but their stated desire to avoid getting dragged into a regional war and have Israel end major combat operations even before completing the takeover of the entire strip encourages Iran and its proxies to continue gradually escalating their use of force, in the hope that the administration will stop Israel.
CONDITION#3 DUMBASS JOE--THIS IS JUST LIKE UKRAINE V. RUSSIA (EXCEPT WE'RE RUSSIA!) - BRAVE NEW NAZI WORLD ORDER
Defeating Hamas and convincing the US that this is also a war over the regional and global order – and translating this into a willingness to win – are key in the effort to exert diplomatic pressure on Iran, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and the pro-Iranian militias, and for effective military force against them if necessary.
This is the condition to create a new security reality along the northern border that will give residents a sense of security and allow them to return home; this is the condition to secure shipping through the Bab al-Mandeb strait; this is the condition to curb Iran's nuclear program, which has again accelerated during the war; and this is the condition to promote efforts to establish a pragmatic regional center of gravity with normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia at its core. Israel and the US need each other in these arenas, and Israel must dive home this interdependence and mutual benefit to ensure Washington's commitment to achieving common goals.
Israel's ability to meet the two conditions for victory will be greatly impacted by its ability to shake off the self-induced blindness that characterized its attitude towards its enemies' intentions and display internal unity. This is not only the clear message communicated by the troops and the fallen, but also a strategic imperative. The greater and clearer the unity, the easier it will be for Israel to harness its capabilities and American support in order to achieve its war aims.
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https://www.israelhayom.com/opinions/israel-must-send-a-clear-message-to-the-us/
E8. MBS's Misgav Institute | Col. Gabi Siboni
מכון משגב לביטחון לאומי ולאסטרטגיה ציונית
18 October 2023
Col. Gabi Siboni | Translation by Google
Prof. Col. Gabi Siboni, Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy: If those who entered Nahal Oz and the settlements in the Gaza Strip had mobile gas chambers, they would have put the Jews in there. They only have a problem of capacity. There is no one to protect Israel except The IDF and the State of Israel. Without full freedom of action, which will only be achieved after the operation in Gaza, we will not be able to provide security to the State of Israel. Regarding the northern arena - its first component is in Gaza. But the removal of the threat in the north must also come. Nasrallah knows this. We will be able to deal with the Iranian threat after a fatal blow to Hezbollah and the complete elimination of Hamas.
**Quoted in https://twitter.com/MisgavINS/status/1714628873642443207
Marketing the ‘Mongolian Axis first’ to the United States
Tweet from: Meshgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy @MisgavINS
October 26
The military campaign in the north as well as in the south should be conducted in light of the degree of success of the Israeli state’s acceptance of the idea of the 'Mongolian axis first' and marketing it to the US. Its implementation, if accepted, may require a delay in the ground operation in the Gaza Strip. The delay should be used to continue the 'crushed' in the IDF's 'crushed and occupied' concept, to continue the efforts... Show more
https://twitter.com/MisgavINS/status/1719366891859308931
מכון משגב לביטחון לאומי ולאסטרטגיה ציונית
ד"ר אל"מ במיל' חנן שי:
31 October 2023
Dr. Col. in response to Hanan Shai: The war we are waging here is not between us and the Palestinians or Hamas. This is part of President Biden's Saudi project to create an axis of movement of goods, energy and more from the Pacific Ocean, through India, Saudi Arabia and Israel to connect to the Atlantic Ocean basin. This is the western railway axis or the axis of democracy. In front of it stand two other axes - the Russian axis and the other - an axis connecting China with the Mediterranean basin through Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran. Biden built a grandiose plan in which Israel is a critical player on one side of the axis and India on the other, so that all efforts do not go down the drain. Israel owes a tremendous victory, which is one - there are no refugees in Gaza. Listen to the full radio interview here >>>
E9. (more examples) - ICJ Filing against Israel
South Africa's Filing against Israel in the International Criminal Court of Justice
RE Bibi's Holocaust
LINK To Report: My Marked-up Version of 86-page filing
with more compelling proof of genocide intent & physical war crimes
(although proof is not required, only probable cause)
South Africa Petitions for Emergency Action from the Court
E10. Lt. Gen. Halevi, Head of Israeli Defense Forces (IDF)
2023OCT12 IDF Chief of Defense Staff: "Gaza will never be the same again"
Israel, the Chief of Defense Staff: "Gaza will never be the same again"
"We will do everything to bring the hostages home"
October 12, 2023
© Agenzia Nova - Reproduction reserved
La Gaza Strip "it will never be the same again" and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) will do "everything to bring the hostages home". The Israeli Chief of Defense Staff, General, said this Herzi Halevi, in his first statements to the press after the attack by the Palestinian movement Hamas on Israel, carried out on Saturday 7 October, in which around 1.300 people died.
Russia: carro armato degli anni '70 coperto di lastre e reti per essere protetto da droni ucraini
Current Time 0:12
Duration 1:06
According to Halevi, there are approximately 200 hostages held by Hamas in Gaza, both Israelis and foreigners. “We are killing many terrorists, many commanders, destroying the terrorist infrastructure that supported this terrible and brutal crime,” Halevi continued.
The Chief of Staff of the Defense he explained: “Five days have passed since a murderous, brutal and astonishing incident. The massacre by murderous Hamas terrorists – monsters – of our children, our wives and our people is animalistic, it is inhumane.
The IDF is fighting ruthless terrorists who have committed unimaginable acts,” he continued. Addressing the Hamas leader in Gaza, Halevi said: “Yahya Sinwar, the ruler of Gaza Strip, decided on this horrible attack, and therefore he and the entire system under him are doomed. We will attack them, we will dismantle them, we will dismantle their system." Vowing to investigate the surprise effect caused by the attack, Halevi said: "We will learn, we will investigate, but now is the time for war."
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Using Meir Ben-Shabbat's exact rhetoric
Oct 13, 2023 Lt Gen Herzi Halevi
...When Lt. Gen. Halevi says "Gaza will not look the same," he is NOT indicating plans to build beach resorts and upgrade infrastructure. His intent is to do the opposite just as Israel has done repeatedly in the past--Displace, Destroy, Deny Right of Return to your home. Gen Halevi is a NAZI.
VIDEO 4 MIN | The Economic Times
#5 [RETRO - 1974]i Defense Minister Shimon Peres empathsized with "injustice" suffered by white-oppressors enforcing the Crime of Apartheid in South Africa (1974)
Israeli Zionist "Justice" = Apartheid
Zionists have a long history of aligning with Jew-haters and racists. For example, Defense Minister Shimon Peres not only offered to illegally sell nuclear warheads to Apartheid South Africa, but expressed solidarity with Apartheid South African military leaders as fellow victims of injustice due to unfair international condemnation of their claims of being master races with divine rights as European-colonial settlers to dehumanize, disenfranchise, and wage Apartheid against indigenous peoples. Together, these two racist Apartheid regimes made arms, sold and developed weapons together, trained together, violated the Nuclear test Ban Treaty (1979 Vela Incident Link) and refused to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT). Peres wrote this to his apartheid peer in a "top secret" letter:
"This cooperation is based not only on common interests and on the determination to resist equally our enemies, but also on the unshakeable foundations of our common hatred of injustice and our refusal to submit to it." —Letter from Israeli Minister of Defense, Shimon Peres, 11/11/1974(Link) to Apartheid South Africa officials about their illegal secret security cooperation agreement
#6 Sharansky "Nazi Unity" for Holocausting | Uniting behind 'external threat' quite conveniently
Exploiting Death/Hostages as Propaganda
Bibi had Hamas Invasion Plans for over a Year and did NOTHING to DEFEND protect Israelis!
Scapegoating Hamas to Wage War on Iran, Lebanon, and Gazan Civilians.
Bibi & refusnik Jew-hater Zionist/Soviet propagandist Sharansky has repeatedly used the old Nazi/Stalin trick of scapegoating a minority to strip rights of the majority. Now he is branding all civilians as terrorists to scapegoat Hamas and bring 'unity' to Israel in the same way Hitler did following the "Reichstag Fire." The fact pattern indicates that Hamas walked into a 'trap' set by Bibi who chose NOT to prepare defenses for the invasion plan codenamed "Jericho" reported in the New York Times on 30 November. An ethical leader at minimum might have sought to MINIMIZE death and abductions of Israelis and MAXIMIZE damage to Hamas invasion forces. Bibi chose the opposite approach. Bibi is doing an American-style "Patriot Act" or Nazi "Reichstag Fire" where in both instances, the usurper says give me your Freedom in exchange for 'security' that only I the dictator can provide.
video: Sharansky says Hamas brought unprecedented unity
video: Comedian Jon Stewart parody: Recalling Israel's propaganda playbook--Any criticism of Israel is "Anti-Semitic" because Zionists can do No Evil! It's in the Bible!
#E11 NETANYAHU. Urging troops to Remember "Amalek" which means DESTROY everything
South Africa reminds ICJ of Netanyahu's Amalek rhetoric to invoke genocide against Palestinians
Video 1 minute | Anadolu Englsih
Bibi's Amalek Rhetoric
Video 2 Minutes | Middle East Eye
WATCH: Israeli Soldiers Chant About Wiping Out the seed of Amalek (all Palestinians)
Video 7 Minutes | The Young Turks
Video 2 Minutes | TheLandofIsrael (Pro-Israel)
Mishnah Torah | Law of War (Excerpt from Maimonides) | Genocide on Amalek | "Blot out the seed of Amalek" (chanted by IDF soldiers)
Law of war maimondides | sefaria.org
LAWS OF SOVEREIGNS AND WARS.
These comprise twenty-three precepts,
ten of which are affirmative, and
thirteen are negative precepts. The detailed list is as follows:
1) to choose a king from among the Israelites;
2) not to choose him from the community of proselytes ;
3) that he shall not have many wives;
4) that he shall not acquire many horses;
5) that he shall not amass much gold and silver;
6) to destroy the seven (Canaanite) nations;
7) not to let any one of them live;
8) to blot out the seed of Amalek;
9) to remember what Amalek did to us;
10) not to forget his evil deeds, how he treacherously lay in wait on the way;
11) not to reside permanently in the land of Egypt;
12) to offer terms of peace to the inhabitants of a city that is besieged and to deal with it in the way set forth in the Torah, in case the city makes, or does not make peace;
13) not to seek peace with Ammon and Moab. This rule only applies, when besieging their cities;
14) when engaged in a siege, not to destroy fruit trees;
15) to prepare a place of convenience whither the members of the camp shall repair;
16) to have a paddle to dig therewith;
17) to anoint a priest to speak to the men of the army in wartime;
18) that the man who has taken a wife, erected a dwelling, or planted a vineyard shall rejoice a full year; and such newly wed men are sent back home from the war;
19) not to draft them for any purpose; they are not to go out for municipal service, service of the troops, nor any similar duty;
20) not to be afraid nor to retreat in the hour of battle;
21) the law of a beautiful woman taken captive in war;
22) that she is not to be sold;
23) that she is not to be retained in servitude, after cohabitation.
LAWS OF SOVEREIGNS AND WARS.
הלכות מלכים ומלחמות. יש בכללן שלוש ועשרים מצוות – עשר מצוות עשה, ושלוש עשרה מצוות לא תעשה; וזה הוא פרטן: (א) למנות מלך מישראל; (ב) שלא יימנה מקהל גרים; (ג) שלא ירבה לו נשים; (ד) שלא ירבה לו סוסים; (ה) שלא ירבה לו כסף וזהב; (ו) להחרים שבעה עממים; (ז) שלא להחיות מהן נשמה; (ח) למחות זרעו של עמלק; (ט) לזכור מה שעשה עמלק; (י) שלא לשכוח מעשיו הרעים ואריבתו בדרך; (יא) שלא לשכון בארץ מצריים; (יב) לשלוח שלום ליושבי העיר כשצרים עליה, ולדון בה כאשר מפורש בתורה, אם תשלים ואם לא תשלים; (יג) שלא לדרוש שלום מעמון ומואב בלבד, כשצרים עליהן; (יד) שלא להשחית אילני מאכל במצור; (טו) להתקין יד שייצאו בו בעלי המחנה להיפנות בו; (טז) להתקין יתד לחפור בו; (יז) למשוח כוהן לדבר באוזני אנשי הצבא בשעת המלחמה; (יח) להיות מארס ובונה בניין ונוטע כרם שמחים בקניינם שנה תמימה, ומחזירין אותן מן המלחמה; (יט) שלא יעבור עליהן דבר, ולא ייצאו אפילו לצורכי העיר וצורכי הגדוד והדומה להן; (כ) שלא לערוץ ולחזור לאחור בשעת מלחמה; (כא) דין יפת תואר; (כב) שלא תימכר יפת תואר; (כג) שלא יכבשנה לעבדות אחר שנבעלה.
Mishna Torah | Amalek Explained | Wikipedia
Bible as a recurrent enemy of the Israelites:[19]
In Exodus 17:8–16,[20] during the Exodus from Egypt, the Amalekites attack the Israelites encamped at Rephidim, but are defeated. Moses orders Joshua to lead the Israelites into battle, while Moses, Aaron and Hur watch from a nearby hill. When Moses' hands holding his staff are raised, the Israelites prevail, but when his hands are lowered, the Israelites falter. He sits with his hands held up by Aaron and Hur until sunset, securing the Israelite victory.
In Deuteronomy 25:17–19,[21] The Israelites are specifically commanded to "blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven" once they have taken possession of the Promised Land in retribution for "what Amalek did to [them] on the way as [they] were coming out of Egypt", a reference to the Amalekite attack on the Israelites at Rephidim. Earlier, in Deuteronomy 7:1–16[22] and Deuteronomy 25:16–18,[23] they are commanded to utterly destroy all the inhabitants of the idolatrous cities in the promised land and their livestock; scripture purports that King Saul ultimately loses favor with Yahweh for failing to kill King Agag and the best livestock of the Amalekites in 1 Samuel 15[24] in defiance of these commandments.
In Numbers 14:45,[25] the Amalekites and Canaanites kill a group of Israelites that tried to enter the hill country of the Amorites without Moses's permission.
In Judges 3:13,[26] Amalek, and their Moabite and Ammonite allies, defeat Israel so that the Moabites could oppress them. Judges 10:11–13[27] confirms Amalek as being one of the many oppressors of Israel.
In Judges 6:1–6,[28] Amalek, and their Midianite allies, destroy Israelite farms "as far as Gaza", inducing a famine. They also help the Midianites wage wars against Israel, according to Judges 6:32–34[29] and Judges 7:11–13.[30]
In 1 Samuel 15:1–9,[31] Samuel identifies Amalek as the enemy of Israelites, saying "Thus says the Lord of hosts: I will punish Amalek for what he did to Israel, how he ambushed him on the way when he came up from Egypt," a reference to Exodus.[32] God then commands Saul to destroy the Amalekites, by killing man, woman, infant and suckling.[33] This massacre is believed to be a retelling of the raids in 1 Samuel 14:48,[34][35] although it additionally specifies that it occurred in the "city of Amalek", which was believed to be the "principal place of arms"[36] or the "metropolis" of Amalek.[37] In 1 Samuel 15:33,[38] Samuel identifies king Agag of Amalek as an enemy and killer, saying "As your sword has made women childless, so shall your mother be childless among women."
In 1 Samuel 27:8–9,[39] David and his men conduct raids against the Amalekites and their Geshurite and Gezirite allies. He kills every man and woman but takes sheep, cattle, donkey, camels and clothing. These Amalekites were theorized to be refugees who fled from Saul or a separate Amalekite faction that dwelt to the south of Israel. Gili Kluger believes these narratives were anti-Saul propaganda, designed to make him appear weak compared to David, since no losses were attributed to David.[40]
According to 1 Samuel 30:1–2,[41] the Amalekites invaded the Negev and Ziklag in the Judean/Philistine border area towards the end of the reign of King Saul, burning Ziklag and taking its citizens away into captivity. David led a successful mission against the Amalekites to recover "all that the Amalekites had carried away".[42]
In 2 Samuel 1:5–10,[43] an Amalekite tells David that he found Saul leaning on his spear after the battle of Gilboa. The Amalekite claims he euthanized Saul, at Saul's request, and removed his crown. David gives orders to his men to kill the Amalekite for killing the anointed king, believing him to be guilty by admission.[44]
In 1 Chronicles 4:43,[45] the Simeonites kill the remaining survivors of Amalek and live in their settlements.
In Psalm 83:7,[46] Amalek joins Israel's other historic enemies in annihilating Israel. Their attempts are thwarted by God. Although most scholars believe the passage refers to a real historical event, they are unsure which event it should be identified with.[47] One likely answer is that it occurred during the rise of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the 9th to 7th centuries BC.[48]
Interpretation
Judaism
"Davidster" (Star of David) by Dick Stins is a Holocaust memorial in The Hague. The text at the side (in Dutch and Hebrew) is from Deuteronomy 25:17, 19 – "Remember what Amalek has done to you ... do not forget."
In the Mishneh Torah, Rambam derives three commandments, two positive and one negative, related to references to Amalek in the Torah:
#Type / Commandment / Source
59 / Negative / Not to forget the wicked deeds which Amalek perpetrated against us[49] / "Do not forget" (Deut. 25:19)
188 / Positive / To exterminate the seed of Amalek[50] / "You shall blot out the memory of Amalek" (Deut. 25:19)
189 / Positive / To constantly remember what Amalek did to us[51] / "Remember what Amalek did to you" (Deut. 25:17)
Many rabbinic authorities such as Maimonides ruled that the commandment only applies to a Jewish king or an organized community, and cannot be performed by an individual.[52] According to Rashi, the Amalekites were sorcerers who could transform themselves to resemble animals, in order to avoid capture. Thus, in 1 Samuel 15:3, it was considered necessary to destroy the livestock when destroying Amalek.[53] According to Haggahot Maimuniyyot, the commandment only applies to the future messianic era and not in present times; this limitation is widely supported by medieval authorities.[54]
Maimonides elaborates that when the Jewish people wage war against Amalek, they must request the Amalekites to accept the Seven Laws of Noah and pay a tax to the Jewish kingdom. If they refuse, they are to be executed.[55]
Other Talmudic commentators argued that the calls to spare no Amalekite or "blot out their memory" were metaphorical[56] and did not require the actual killing of Amalekites. Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch said that the command was to destroy "the remembrance of Amalek" rather than actual Amalekites.[57] The Sfat Emet interpreted the command as fully hating Amalek, without performing any physical action.[58] The Chofetz Chaim said that God would perform the elimination of Amalek and that Jews only need to remember what Amalek did to them.[59]
Isaac S.D. Sassoon believes that the cherem commands existed to prevent the Jewish community from being endangered but believes people should think twice before literally following them.[60] Nathan Lopes Cardazo argues that the Torah's ethically questionable laws were intentional since they were a result of God working with an underdeveloped world. He believes that God appointed the Sages to help humanity evolve in their understanding of the Torah.[61]
Christianity
Theologian Charles Ellicott explains that the Amalekites were subject to cherem in the Book of Samuel for the purposes of incapacitation, due to their 'accursed' nature and the threat they posed to the commonwealth of surrounding nations.[62] Matthew Henry considers the cherem to be defensive warfare since the Amalekites were invaders.[63] John Gill describes the cherem as the law of retaliation being carried out.[64]
According to Christian Hofreiter, almost all Christian authorities and theologians have historically interpreted the cherem passages literally. He states that "there is practically no historical evidence that anyone in the Great Church" viewed them as being purely an allegory. In particular, Augustine, Thomas Aquinas and John Calvin have defended a literal reading of these passages at length. Origen of Alexandria is sometimes cited as having viewed the cherem passages allegorically; Hofreiter argues that although Origen prioritized a spiritual interpretation of the Bible, he did not deny that the herem passages described historical events.[65]
Paul Copan argues that the cherem commands were hyperbolic since the passages contain merisms such as "man and woman"[66] and Near Easterners valued "bravado and exaggeration" when reporting warfare.[67][68] Kluger believes this is an earnest attempt to absolve the Israelites, and their God, of moral responsibility. Nonetheless, she argues Copan's interpretation still "normalizes mass violence" and "hostility towards targeted groups".[40]
Islam
Ibn Khaldūn affirms that God ordered Saul, the king of Israel, to depose the Amalekites, which caused Haman's hostility to the Jews in the Book of Esther.[69]
Modern academia
Some commentators have discussed the ethics of the commandment to exterminate all the Amalekites, including children, and the presumption of collective punishment.[70][71][72][73] It has also been described as genocidal, according to genocide scholars like Norman Naimark.[74][75][76][77]
Kluger believes that the extermination verses can be explained by the Israelites seeing the Amalekites as their "unwelcome brother" and the "rejected son", possessing all the negative qualities that the Israelites inherently saw within themselves, which Kluger sees as a form of self-hatred. However, she notes that the Hebrew Bible is surprisingly neutral when describing the Amalekites and that the texts do not provide an adequate explanation on why they were singled out for complete annihilation, compared to the Egyptians and Canaanites for example.[40]
Ada Taggar-Cohen observes that cherem commands were not uncommon in the ancient Near East. Their purpose was to show that the deity was on the aggressor's side and that the enemy deserved said deity's wrath for their "sins". It also allowed kings to pursue militarist policies without taking moral responsibility.[78]
C.L. Crouch considers the cherem commands to be an exceptional component to Israelite and Judahite warfare since they were erratically applied, even in the early stages of national and ethnic identity formation. They were an extreme means to eradicate the threat of chaos. Similar attitudes were held by Assyrian rulers such as Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal.[79]
Historicity
No reference to Amalek or the Amalekites has been found in surviving Egyptian and Assyrian monumental inscriptions and records, even though both groups recorded various tribes and peoples of the Levant in the relevant time period(s). Therefore, Hugo Winckler concluded that there were no Amalekites and that the Biblical stories concerning them were entirely ahistorical and mythological.[80] Although archaeological research has improved knowledge about nomadic Arabs, no specific artifact or site has been linked to Amalek with certainty.[4]
It is possible that some of the fortified settlements in the Negev highlands and Tel Masos, which is near Beer-sheba and possibly equivalent to Hormah,[81] have Amalekite connections.[82] If this hypothesis is correct, it is likely that Saul's anti-Amalekite campaigns were motivated by a strategic desire to wrest control of copper production at Tel Masos. Copper was valuable to the early Israelites and their theology and ritual.[83]
Archaeological evidence from the Tell el-Qudeirat fortress and Horvat Haluqim in the Negev, dated to the late 11th to early 10th century BC, could corroborate with the Biblical Israelite-Amalekite confrotations, during the reigns of Saul and David. Bruins discovered that their inhabitants were semi-nomadic agro-pastoralists. They lived in tents, rode camels, participated in the copper trade and worshipped gods at masseboth shrines. Oval fortresses were built during the same time period of the aforementioned confrontations. However, other scholars argue that these settlements were inhabited by Edomites or Simeonites.[84]
Alternative theories of origin
Gustave Doré, The Death of Agag. "Agag" may have been the hereditary name of the Amalekite kings. The one depicted was killed by Samuel (1 Samuel 15).
In Genesis 14:7, the "field of the Amalekites" is mentioned, but the person who is named Amalek was not born yet.
Some commentators claim that this passage is a reference to the territory which was later inhabited by the Amalekites.[85] C. Knight elaborates this concept by making a comparison: one might say "Caesar went into France", though Gaul only later became known as France.[7]
Alternatively, during the Islamic Golden Age, certain Arabic writings claimed that the Amalekites existed long before Abraham.[86] Some Muslim historians claimed that the Amalekites who fought against Joshua were the descendants of the inhabitants of North Africa. Ibn-Arabshâh claimed that Amalek was a descendant of Ham, son of Noah.[7][86] However, the name Amalek may have been given to two different nations. The Arabians mention Imlik, Amalik, or Ameleka among the aborigines of Arabia, the remains of which were mingled with the descendants of Qahtan (Joktan) and Adnan and became Mostarabs or Mocarabes, that is, Arabians were mixed with foreigners.[7]
John Gill believes the Amalekites of Genesis 14:7 were equivalent to the Hamite-Arabian Amalekites described by Muslim scholars. He argues the Amalekites were always allied with the Canaanites who descended from Ham, were conquered by the Shemite Chedorlaomer, existed before the Edomite Amalekites thus affirming Numbers 24:20, and that the Edomites never rescued these Amalekites from Saul's campaigns due to inter-tribal feuds.[87]
By the 19th century, many Western theologians believed that the nation of Amalek could have flourished before the time of Abraham. Matthew George Easton theorized that the Amalekites were not the descendants of Amalek by taking a literal approach to Genesis 14:7.[88] However, the modern biblical scholar Gerald L. Mattingly uses textual analysis to glean that the use of Amalekite in Genesis 14:7 is actually an anachronism,[4] and in the early 19th century, Richard Watson enumerated several speculative reasons for the existence of a "more ancient Amalek" than Abraham.[86]
In his exegesis of Numbers 24:20, concerning Balaam's utterance: "Amalek was the first one of the nations, but his end afterward will be even his perishing", Richard Watson attempts to associate this passage to the "first one of the nations" that developed post-Flood.[86] According to Samuel Cox, the Amalekites were the "first" in their hostility toward the Israelites.[89]
Abrahamic traditions
Jewish traditions
Amalek is the archetypal enemy of the Jews and the symbol of evil in Jewish religion and folklore.[90] Nur Masalha, Elliot Horowitz, and Josef Stern suggest that the Amalekites represent an "eternally irreconciliable enemy" that wants to murder Jews. In post-biblical times, Jews associated contemporary enemies with Amalek or Haman and, occasionally, believed pre-emptive violence is acceptable against such enemies.[91] Groups identified with Amalek include the Romans, Nazis, Stalinists, ISIS,[92] and bellicose Iranian leaders such as Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.[93][94] More metaphorically, to some Hasidic rabbis (particularly the Baal Shem Tov), Amalek represents atheism or the cynical rejection of God, which leads to unethical hedonism. This is sometimes known as the "Amalekite doctrine".[95] In contemporary times, religious Jews associate Amalek with violent antisemites,[91][96] nihilism and Jewish doubt in God.[95]
During the Purim festival, the Book of Esther is read in commemoration of the salvation of Jewish people from Haman, who plotted to kill all Jews in Persian Empire. It is customary for the audience to make noise and shout whenever "Haman" is mentioned, in order to desecrate his name, based on Exodus 17:14. It is also customary to recite Deuteronomy 25:17–18 on the Shabbat before Purim. This was because Haman was considered to be an Amalekite although this label is more likely to be symbolic rather than literal.[97][96][98] Some Iranophilic Jews interpreted Haman's Amalekite background as being anathema to both Jews and 'pure-blooded Iranians'.[69]
Christian traditions
Early Church fathers such as Justin Martyr, Irenaeus and Cyprian consider the defeat of Amalek in Exodus 17:8–13 to be reminiscent of Jesus defeating the powers of the devil at the cross. Origen sees the battle as an allegory of the Law mysteriously invoking Christ, who recruits strong people (i.e. Christians) to defeat the demonic Strong Man, as described in Ephesians 6:12.[99]
John Gill believes that Amalek is a type of antichrist that 'raises his hand against the throne of God, his tabernacle and his saints'. He believes the phrase "from generation to generation" in Exodus 17:16 specifically refers to the Messianic Age, where Amalek and other antichristian states are exterminated by the Lamb.[100] Likewise, Charles Ellicott notes that the Amalekites were collectively called 'the sinners' in 1 Samuel 15:18, which was only used elsewhere for the Sodomites in Genesis 13:13.[101]
Carl Friedrich Keil and Franz Delitzsch state that the Amalekites were extinct by the second half of Hezekiah's reign.[102]
Professor Philip Jenkins notes that Christian extremists have historically labelled enemies such as Native Americans, Protestants, Catholics and Tutsis as Amalekites to justify their genocides.[103] Jews and victims of the Crusades were also called Amalekites. Because of this, modern Christian scholars have re-examined the Biblical narratives that inspired these atrocities using philology, literary analysis, archaeology and historical evidence.[40]
Islamic traditions
Islamic commentators believe the Amalekites were an ancient Arabian tribe. The monotheistic Ishmaelites evangelized to them in Mecca and later, supplanted their population. However, the paganism of the Amalekites and other Arabian tribes negatively influenced the Ishmaelites, including their approach to the Kaaba.[5]
Adam J. Silverstein observes that most of the medieval Muslim world ignored the Book of Esther or modified its details, despite their familiarity with the Persian Jewish community. This was caused by their attempt to reconcile the Biblical Esther with the Quranic Haman, who was the antagonist of the Exodus narrative, and Persian mythological historical traditions. Notable exceptions include Ibn Khaldūn, who affirmed the Amalekite origins of Haman and his antisemitic vendetta.[69]
Modern usage
Rabbis generally agree that Amalekites no longer exist, based on the argument that Sennacherib deported and mixed the nations, so it is no longer possible to determine who is an Amalekite.[104] Thus, the commandment to kill Amalekites is not practised by contemporary Jews.
Since the Holocaust, the phrase as it appears in Deuteronomy 25:17 is used as a call to witness. Yad Vashem, Israel's memorial to the Holocaust, features the phrase on a banner, and in letters between European Jews during the Holocaust, they plead with each other to "bear witness".[56]
In the Israel-Palestine conflict, some Israeli politicians and extremists have compared Palestinians to Amalek, stated that the Palestinians are the Amalekites.[105][106] or accuse Arabs of exhibiting "behavior" that is "typical" of Amalekites.[107] Yasser Arafat was called "the Amalek and Hitler of our generation" by 200 rabbis.[107] Many in the Gush Emunim movement see Arabs as the "Amalek of today".[108] One reason includes the belief that Amalek is any nation that prevents Jews from settling in the Land of Israel, which includes the Palestinians.[109] During the 2014 Gaza war, a leading yeshiva identified Palestinians as the descendants of the ancient Amalekites and Philistines.[109] Genealogically, Arabs are not related to Amalekites and prior to the Arab–Israeli conflict, some Jews associated Amalek with the Roman Empire and medieval Christians.[107]
Conversely, some ultra-Orthodox groups consider Zionists to be Amalekites due to Zionist antisemitism.[110]
During the 2023-2024 Israel–Hamas war (beginning in October 2023), Benjamin Netanyahu said that the Israeli government was "committed to completely eliminating this evil from the world", and he also stated: "You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember".[111] At an argument to the International Court of Justice about allegations of genocide in the 2023 Israeli attack on Gaza, South Africa presented the comments as inciting genocide against the Palestinian people. Netanyahu denied that was his intention, stating the South African accusation reflected a "deep historical ignorance" since he was referring to Hamas, not Palestinians as a whole.[112][113]
"Amalek". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
Genesis 36:12; 1 Chronicles 1:36
Mattingly 2000, p. 48.
Athamina, Khalil (2005). "Abraham in Islamic Perspective Reflections on the Development of Monotheism in Pre-Islamic Arabia". Der Islam. 81 (2): 193–196. doi:10.1515/islm.2004.81.2.184. S2CID 170567885 – via De Gruyter.
Milani, Zohreh Babaahmadi (2022). "An Investigation into Qur'anic and Historical Reasons for the Immigration and Presence of the People of the Book in Arabia". International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding. 9 (8): 205–206 – via IJMMU.
Knight 1833, p. 411.
Patterson, David (2011). A Genealogy of Evil: Anti-Semitism from Nazism to Islamic Jihad. Cambridge University Press. pp. 43, 244. ISBN 9781139492430.
M. Weippert, Semitische Nomaden des zweiten Jahrtausends. Biblica vol. 55, 1974, 265-280, 427-433
Ginzberg, Louis (1913). The Legends of the Jews. pp. 422–423.
For an Rabbanic explanation of Timna lineage see Kadari, Tamar (31 December 1999). "Timna, concubine of Eliphaz: Midrash and Aggadah". The Shalvi/Hyman Encyclopedia of Jewish Women. Retrieved 16 January 2022.
Feldman 2004, p. 8–9.
Macpherson, J. (2004) [1898]. "Amalek". In Hastings, James (ed.). A Dictionary of the Bible: Volume I (Part I: A – Cyrus). Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific. pp. 77–79. ISBN 9781410217226.
"Amalekite". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
Mills 1997, p. 21.
"1 Samuel 15: Matthew Poole Commentary". Biblehub. 2024. Archived from the original on January 23, 2024.
"1 Samuel 15: Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers". Biblehub. 2024. Archived from the original on January 23, 2024.
"1 Samuel 15: Benson Commentary". Biblehub. 2024. Archived from the original on January 23, 2024.
Kugler, Gili (2020). "Metaphysical Hatred and Sacred Genocide: The Questionable Role of Amalek in Biblical Literature". Journal of Genocide Research. 23 (1): 1–16. doi:10.1080/14623528.2020.1827781. S2CID 228959516 – via Taylor & Francis Online.
Black, Matthew, editor (1962), Peake's Commentary on the Bible, Camden, NJ: Thomas Nelson and Sons
The New Jerome Biblical Commentary. Engelwood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1990. ISBN 0-13-614934-0.
"Mishneh Torah, Negative Mitzvot". Sefaria. Retrieved 15 January 2024.
"Mishneh Torah, Positive Mitzvot". Sefaria. Retrieved 15 January 2024.
"Mishneh Torah, Positive Mitzvot". Sefaria. Retrieved 15 January 2024.
Maimonides (Sefer Hamitzvot, end of positive commandments), Nachmanides (Commentary to Exodus 17:16), Sefer HaYereim (435), Hagahot Maimoniyot (Hilchot Melachim 5:5)
Rashi, 1 Samuel 15:3 commentary, The Rubin Edition, ISBN 1-57819-333-8, p. 93
Klapper, Aryeh (4 March 2020). "How Not to Talk About Amalek". The Times of Israel. Archived from the original on 2020-03-04. Retrieved 16 January 2022.
Mishneh Torah, Hilchot Melachim uMilchamot, 6:1 and 6:4
Kampeas, Ron (2024-01-16). "Netanyahu rejects South Africa's claim that his quote about 'Amalek' was a call to genocide". Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Retrieved 13 February 2024.
Commentary to Deuteronomy 25
Shemot Zachor 646
Introduction to positive commandments, Beer Mayim Hayim, letter Alef
Sassoon, Isaac S.D. (May 14, 2015). "Obliterating Cherem". TheTorah.com. Archived from the original on February 9, 2024.
Cardazo, Nathan Lopes (October 19, 2016). "The Deliberately Flawed Divine Torah". TheTorah.com. Archived from the original on February 12, 2024.
"1 Samuel 15: Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers". Biblehub. Archived from the original on 2014-11-08.
"1 Samuel 14: Henry's Complete Commentary on the Bible". StudyLight.org. 2022. Archived from the original on January 23, 2024.
"1 Samuel 15: Gill's Exposition". Biblehub. Archived from the original on 2013-12-17.
Hofreiter, Christian (16 February 2018). Making Sense of Old Testament Genocide: Christian Interpretations of Herem Passages. Oxford University Press. pp. 247–248. ISBN 978-0-19-253900-7.
Copan, Paul (2011). Is God a Moral Monster? Making Sense of the Old Testament God. Baker Books. pp. 175–176. ISBN 978-0801072758.
Copan, Paul (Fall 2010). "How Could God Command Killing the Canaanites?". Enrichment Journal: 138–143.
Copan, Paul (2022). Is God a Vindictive Bully? Reconciling Portrayals of God in the Old and New Testaments. Baker Academic. p. 205. ISBN 978-1540964557.
Silverstein, Adam J. (2018). Veiling Esther, Unveiling Her Story: The Reception of a Biblical Book in Islamic Lands. Oxford University Press. pp. 39–63. ISBN 978-0198797227.
Harris, Michael J. Divine Command Ethics: Jewish and Christian perspectives. pp. 137–138.
Elkins, Dov Peretz; Treu, Abigail. The Bible's Top Fifty Ideas: The essential concepts everyone should know. pp. 315–316.
Sorabji, Richard; Rodin, David. The Ethics of War: Shared problems in different traditions. p. 98.
Rogerson, John William; Carroll, M. Daniel. Theory and Practice in Old Testament Ethics. p. 92.
Naimark, Norman M. (2017). Genocide: A World History. Oxford University Press. pp. 8–9. ISBN 978-0-19-976526-3.
Morriston, Wes (2012). "Ethical Criticism of the Bible: The Case of Divinely Mandated Genocide" (PDF). Sophia. 51 (1): 117–135. doi:10.1007/s11841-011-0261-5. S2CID 159560414.
Freeman, Michael (1994). "Religion, nationalism and genocide: ancient Judaism revisited". European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie / Europäisches Archiv für Soziologie. 35 (2): 259–282. doi:10.1017/S000397560000686X. ISSN 0003-9756. JSTOR 23997469. S2CID 170860040.
Kugler, Gili (2020). "Metaphysical Hatred and Sacred Genocide: The Questionable Role of Amalek in Biblical Literature". Journal of Genocide Research. 23: 1–16. doi:10.1080/14623528.2020.1827781. S2CID 228959516.
Taggar-Cohen, Ada (October 6, 2022). "War at the Command of the Gods". TheTorah.com. Archived from the original on February 9, 2024.
Crouch, C.L. (2009). War and Ethics in the Ancient Near East: Military Violence in Light of Cosmology and History (1st ed.). De Gruyter. doi:10.1515/9783110223521. ISBN 978-3110223514.
Singer, Isidore (1901). The Jewish encyclopedia: a descriptive record of the history, religion, literature, and customs of the Jewish people from the earliest times to the present day (2004 reprint ed.). Cornell University Library. ISBN 978-1112115349.
Aharon Kempinski, "Tel Masos: Its Importance in Relation to the Settlement of the Tribes of Israel in the Northern Negev," Expedition Magazine vol. 20, issue 4 1978.
Mattingly 2000, p. 49.
Nissim Amzallag,"A Metallurgical Perspective on the Birth of Ancient Israel," Entangled Religions 12.2 (2021)
Bruins, Hendrik J. (2022). "Masseboth Shrine at Horvat Haluqim: Amalekites in the Negev Highlands-Sinai Region? Evaluating the Evidence" (PDF). Negev, Dead Sea and Arava Studies. 14 (2–4): 121–142.
Including Rashi
Watson 1832, p. 50.
"Genesis 14 Gill's Exposition". Biblehub.com. 2024. Archived from the original on February 12, 2024.
Easton 1894, p. 35, Am'alekite.
Cox 1884, pp. 125–126.
Britt, Brian; Lipton, Diana; Soltes, Ori Z.; Walfish, Barry Dov (2010). Amalek, Amalekites. De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-018355-9.
* Masalha, Nur (2000). Imperial Israel and the Palestinians: the politics of expansion. Pluto Press. pp. 129–131.
Stern, Josef (2004). "Maimonides on Amalek, Self-Corrective Mechanisms, and the War against Idolatry"". In Hartman, David; Malino, Jonathan W. (eds.). Judaism and modernity: the religious philosophy of David Hartman. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. pp. 360–362.
Hunter, Alastair G. (2003). "Denominating Amalek: Racist stereotyping in the Bible and the Justification of Discrimination". In Bekkenkamp, Jonneke; Sherwood, Yvonne (eds.). Sanctified aggression: legacies of biblical and post-biblical vocabularies. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp. 99–105.
Horowitz, Elliott (2018). Reckless Rites: Purim and the Legacy of Jewish Violence. Princeton University Press. pp. 1–7. ISBN 978-0-691-19039-6.
Roth, Daniel. "Shabbat Zachor: "Remember what Amalek did to you!" But why did he do it? Can we reconcile with our eternal sworn enemies?" Pardes from Jerusalem, 18 Feb. 2018. Elmad by Pardes.
Zaimov, Stoyan (April 29, 2017). "ISIS a Reenactment of Biblical War Between Israel and the Amalekites, Military Analysts Say". Christian Post. Archived from the original on 2021-04-16.
Koperwas, Josh. "Destroying Amalek: Removing Doubt & Insecurity". Sefaria. Archived from the original on January 23, 2024.
"Esther 3 Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges". Biblehub. Archived from the original on Jul 2, 2023.
Finley, Mordecai (21 February 2018). "Unmasking Purim, Fighting Amalek: Behind the whimsy of this holiday lie some deep lessons for living". Jewish Journal. Retrieved 22 February 2018.
Hirsch, Emil; Seligsohn, M.; Schechter, Solomon (1904). "HAMAN THE AGAGITE". In Singer, Isidore; et al. (eds.). The Jewish Encyclopedia. Vol. 6. New York: Funk & Wagnalls. p. 189–190. Retrieved 13 February 2017
Paczkowski, Mieczysław (2014). "Amalek and the amalekites in the ancient christian literature". Teologia i Człowiek. 26 (2): 137–155. doi:10.12775/TiCz.2014.021 – via ResearchGate.
"Exodus 17 Gill's Exposition". Biblehub.com. 2024. Archived from the original on February 12, 2024.
"1 Samuel 15 Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers". Biblehub.com. 2024. Archived from the original on February 12, 2024.
"1 Chronicles 4 Keil and Delitzsch OT Commentary". Biblehub.com. 2024. Archived from the original on February 12, 2024.
Jenkins, Philip (2013). Laying Down the Sword: Why We Can't Ignore the Bible's Violent Verses. HarperCollins Religious US. ISBN 978-0061990724.
Eynei Kol Ḥai, 73, on Sanhedrin 96b. Also Minchat Chinuch, parshat Ki Tetze, mitzvah 434.
Goldberg, Jeffrey (May 24, 2004). "Among the Settlers". The New Yorker. Retrieved 14 November 2023.
Lanard, Noah. "The Dangerous History Behind Netanyahu's Amalek Rhetoric". Mother Jones. Retrieved 15 November 2023.
Elliott Horowitz (2018). Reckless Rites:Purim and the Legacy of Jewish Violence. Princeton University Press. pp. 2–4.
Nur Masalha. Imperial Israel and the Palestinians. Pluto Press. p. 113.
Defining Israel:The Jewish State, Democracy, and the Law. Hebrew Union College Press. p. 281.
Porat, Dina (1992). "'Amalek's Accomplices' Blaming Zionism for the Holocaust: Anti-Zionist Ultra-Orthodoxy in Israel during the 1980s". Journal of Contemporary History. 27 (4): 695–729. doi:10.1177/002200949202700408. S2CID 154626003 – via SageJournals.
"Netanyahu invokes 'Amalek' narrative in speech about expanding ground operation in Gaza".
"PM's office says it's 'preposterous' to say his invoking Amalek was a genocide call". Times of Israel. 16 January 2024.
"Harsh Israeli rhetoric against Palestinians becomes central to South Africa's genocide case". Associated Press. 18 January 2024.
Books
From <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amalek>
Official Translation of Bibi's 28Oct2023 "Amalek" eradication speech
Statement by PM Netanyahu
"This will be a victory of good over evil, of light over darkness, of life over death. In this war we will stand steadfast, more united than ever, certain in the justice of our cause. This is the mission of our lives. This is also the mission of my life."
Type: Press releases
Topic:Terrorism Secondary topic: Swords of Iron
Publish Date: 28.10.2023
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, this evening (Saturday, 28 October 2023), at the joint statements with Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and Minister Benny Gantz [translated from Hebrew]:
"Citizens of Israel, yesterday evening, additional ground forces of ours entered the gates of Gaza, at the doorstep of the fortress of evil. This is the second stage of the war, the goals of which are clear: Destroying Hamas's military and governing capabilities, and bringing the captives back home. We made the decision to expand ground operations unanimously, both in the War Cabinet and in the Security Cabinet. We did this in a balanced and considered way, based on a commitment to ensure both the destiny of the state and the security of our soldiers. The commanders and soldiers are now fighting on enemy territory knowing that the people and the leadership of the people are behind them.
"In recent days, I have met with our soldiers at their bases, at the assembly points, in the north and in the south. We have an amazing army, with wonderful and heroic soldiers: Jews and non-Jews, secular and religious, left and right. They are all imbued with a fighting spirit the likes of which I have never seen, including a willingness to fight with strength and force against an enemy whose brutality and criminality are unparalleled.
"They are longing to recompense the murderers for the horrific acts they perpetrated on our children, our women, our parents and our friends.
They are committed to eradicating this evil from the world, for our existence, and I add, for the good of all humanity. The entire people, and the leadership of the people, embrace them and believe in them.
'Remember what Amalek did to you' (Deuteronomy 25:17). We remember and we fight.
"Our brave soldiers who are now in Gaza, around Gaza and in the other sectors throughout the country, join a chain of heroes of Israel that has continued for over 3,000 years, from Joshua, Judah Maccabee and Bar Kochba, and up to the heroes of 1948, the Six Day War, the Yom Kippur War and Israel's other wars.
Our heroic soldiers have one supreme goal: To destroy the murderous enemy and ensure our existence in our land. We have always said 'Never again'. 'Never again' is now. [ADL Slogan]
"I also met today with the families of the captives and with bereaved parents. My heart was broken. I reiterated to them: At every stage up to now and at every stage from now, we will exhaust every possibility to bring our brothers and sisters back to their families. Their abduction was a crime against humanity. Whoever dares to accuse our soldiers of war crimes are hypocritical liars who lack so much as one drop of morality. The IDF is the most moral army in the world. The IDF does everything to avoid harming non-combatants. I again call on the civilian population to evacuate to a safe area in the southern Gaza Strip.
"In contrast, the cynicism of the enemy knows no bounds. He carries out war crimes by using civilians as human shields, by using hospitals as terrorist command centers and to supply fuel to its war machine. Many in the world understand very well what we have claimed through the years: Israel is fighting not only its war, but a war for all of humanity – the war of humanity against barbarism. Our allies in the West and our partners in the Arab world, understand today that if Israel does not win, they will be next in line in the axis of evil's campaign of conquest and murder.
"Since the start of the war, we have succeeded in securing broad international support which includes leaders from the US and Europe, led by President Biden, together with the French President, the British Prime Minister, the Italian Prime Minister, the German Chancellor, and the leaders of the Netherlands, Greece, Cyprus and from other countries as well. They came to us in wartime and brought one clear message: We not only support you – we hope for your victory. We welcome this. We will stand alone but it is good to stand together because we have no other choice.
"We also want to clarify that there is one thing that must be underscored: There are moments in which a nation faces two possibilities: To do or die. We now face that test and I have no doubt how it will end: We will be the victors. We will do and we will be the victors.
"In the first weeks of the war, we pounded the enemy with a massive aerial campaign, the force of which has been increasing in recent days, in order to assist our forces in making a safer ground incursion. We have eliminated countless terrorists, including arch-terrorists, and we have destroyed many terrorist command posts and infrastructure. We are only just getting started.
"The war inside the Gaza Strip will be long and difficult – and we are ready for it. This our second war of independence. We will fight to defend our homeland. We will fight and not retreat. We will fight on land, at sea and in the air. We will destroy the enemy above ground and below ground. We will fight and we will win.
"This will be a victory of good over evil, of light over darkness, of life over death. In this war we will stand steadfast, more united than ever, certain in the justice of our cause. This is the mission of our lives. This is also the mission of my life.
"On your behalf, on behalf of all of us, I pray for the wellbeing of our soldiers: 'May G-d make the enemies who rise against us be struck down before them! May He subdue our enemies under them and crown them with deliverance and victory.'
"Together we will fight and together we will win."
https://www.gov.il/en/pages/statement-by-pm-netanyahu-28-oct-2023
#7 Excerpts - BIBI'S UNHOLY HOLY WAR OF REPRISAL AND SELF-AGGRANDIZEMENT (Jewish Ethics)
Excerpt -"Warfare & Its Restrictions in Judaism"
The greater the blurring of distinctions between discretionary and mandatory war, the greater the chance of removing from the military agenda the option of total war. Strapping mandatory wars with some of the restrictions of discretionary wars precludes them from becoming holy wars. According to John Yoder's When War Is Unjust, holy wars differ from just wars in the following five respects:
1. holy wars are validated by a transcendent cause; [ for example, so-called Existential Threat, which is always the Excuse]
2. the cause is known by revelation [to reconstitute Eretz Israel at all costs]
3. the adversary has no rights; [kill them all - civilians, mothers, children, reporters, artists, international aid workers]
4. the criterion of last resort need not apply;
5. it need not be winnable.
Much of the moral discussion of the conduct of the war derives from the prohibition in Deuteronomy 20:19-20 against axing fruit-bearing trees in the environs of the besieged city. The principal points deal with the issues of wanton destruction and the immunity of the noncombatant.
As the Talmud notes, nothing diverts public attention and deflects the opposition while simultaneously creating the need for a strong leader as war. Reflecting a similar insight, Josephus, well aware of the machinations of opportunistic rulers, pointed out that the biblical laws of warfare are meant to deter conquest by preventing war "waged for self-aggrandizement."
Philo warns that national vendettas are not justifications for wars. If a city under siege sues for peace it is to be granted. Peace, albeit with sacrifices, he says, is preferable to the horrors of war.
C. The principle of purity of arms:
Those concerns for the moral quotient of the soldier and the life of the enemy inform the "purity of arms" doctrine of the Israel Defense Forces. The doctrine of purity of arms limits killing to necessary and unavoidable situations. Although the expression was apparently coined by the Labor-Zionist idealogue Berl Katznelson, it was former Prime Minister David Ben Gurion who made it a dogma of the Israel Defense Forces. How successfully it has been maintained under wartime conditions is illustrated by the following account of an Israeli unit entering Nablus during the Six-Day War:
"I entered first into Nablus after the tanks... There were many people with guns... I said to the battalion CO: `There are many people here with guns, to shoot or not to shoot? Then he said to me, `Don't shoot' It could have been that they several casualties could have been avoided afterwards if they would have gone straight into the city firing... The battalion CO, furthermore, got on the field telephone to my company and said, `Don't touch the civilians . . . don't fire until you're fired at and don't touch the civilians. Look, you've been warned. Their blood be on your heads.' . . . The boys in the company kept talking about it afterwards . . . . They kept repeating the words . . . .`Their blood be on your heads.'"
According to Israeli colonel Meir Pa'il, the purity of arms doctrine maintains the moral stature of the soldier without seriously compromising his fighting capacity:
"There can be no doubt that the turning toward extreme and consummate humanism can endanger the I.D.F.'s [Israel Defense Forces] ability to function, but experience has proved that the proportions of this danger are extremely small and that it does not constitute a phenomenon that really endangers the operative capacity and the efficiency of the defense forces."
====================== *** ======================
#7 "WARFARE & ITS RESTRICTIONS IN JUDAISM"
WARFARE & ITS RESTRICTIONS IN JUDAISM
Reuven Kimelman, Brandeis University | kimelman@brandeis.edu
1. TYPES OF WARS
The Jewish ethics of war focuses on two issues: its legitimation and its conduct. The Talmud classifies wars according to their source of legitimation. Biblically mandated wars are termed mandatory. Wars undertaken at the discretion of the Sanhedrin are termed discretionary.
There are three types of mandatory wars:
Joshua's war of conquest against the seven Canaanite nations,
the war against Amaleq,
and defensive wars against an already launched attack.
Discretionary wars are usually expansionary efforts undertaken to enhance the political prestige of the government or to secure economic gain.
TYPE#1 The first type of mandatory war is only of historical interest as the Canaanite nations lost their national identity already in ancient times. This ruling, which appears repeatedly in rabbinic literature, is part of a tendency to blunt the impact of the seven-nations policy. The Bible points out that these policies were not implemented even during the zenith of ancient Israel's power. Indeed, an ancient Midrash explicitly excludes the possibility of transferring the seven-nations ruling to other non-Jewish residents of the Land of Israel. Maimonides is just as explicit in emphasizing that all trace of them has vanished. By limiting the jurisdiction of the seven-nations ruling to the conditions of ancient Canaan it was effectively removed from the postbiblical ethical agenda and vitiated as a precedent for contemporary practice.
TYPE#2 The second category of mandatory war, against Amaleq, has also been rendered operationally defunct by comparing them with the Canaanites, or by postponing the battle to the immediate premessianic struggle, or by viewing them as a metaphor for genocidal evil.
TYPE#3 DEFENSIVE The two remaining categories, reactive defensive wars (which are classified as mandatory) and expansionary wars (which are classified as discretionary) remain intact. So, for example, King David's response to the Philistine attack are designated mandatory, whereas his wars "to expand the border of Israel" are designated discretionary [WHICH IS THE PURPOSE OF BIBI'S WAR] . Intermediate wars such as preventive, anticipatory, or preemptive defy so neat a classification. Not only are the classifications debated in the Talmud, but commentators disagree on the categorization of the differing positions in the Talmud.
The major clash occurs between the eleventh century Franco-German scholar Rashi and the thirteenth century Franco-Provencal scholar Meiri. According to Rashi, the majority position considers preemptive action to be discretionary whereas the minority position expounded by Rabbi Judah considers it to be mandatory.
According to Meiri, a preemptive strike, against an enemy who it is feared might attack or who is already known to be preparing for war is deemed mandatory by the majority of the rabbis, but discretionary by Rabbi Judah. Accordingly, Rabbi Judah defines a counterattack as mandatory only in response to an already launched attack A similar reading of Maimonides also limits the mandatory classification to a defensive war launched in response to an attack.
With these distinctions between mandatory and discretionary wars in mind, we should be able to investigate the Jewish concerns with the problematics of war by focusing on preemptive strikes, declarations of war, ethics of warfare, and draftability.
2. PREEMPTIVE STRIKES AS SELF-DEFENSE
Not only Machiavellians view the security and survival of the state as nonnegotiable. National self-defense is as much a moral right as is personal self-preservation. Whereas it is clear that offensive war cannot be subsumed under the inalienable right of self-defense, the moral status of pre-emptive attacks is not as clear. Is the moral category of self-defense limited to an already launched attack? The majority talmudic position, according to Rashi, and that of Rabbi Judah, according to Meiri, would answer in the affirmative. Their position is seconded by Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, which states: "Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual of collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a member." [SELF-DEFENSE IS LIMITED BY IMMINENT DANGER AND PROPORTIONALITY AND THE OTHER LAWS OF ARMED CONFLICT--EXISTENTIAL THREATS ARE NOT LEGITIMTAE GROUNDS FOR COMMITTING A HOLOCAUST FOR HITLER, STALIN, OR BIBI]
The minority position of Rabbi Judah, according to Rashi, and the majority position, according to Meiri, however, hold that a preemptive strike against an enemy amassing for attach is close enough to a defensive counterattack to be categorized as mandatory. This position holds that to wait for an actual attack might so jeopardize national security as to make resistance impossible. Such an argument was championed by Lord Chancellor Kilmuir before the British House of Lords when he remarked with reference to Article 51:
"It would be a travesty of the purpose of the Charter to compel a defending state to allow its opponents to deliver the first fatal blow."This judgment lies behind the endorsement by The United States House Appropriations Committee of the concept of a preemptive attack. Its conclusions were formulated as follows:
"In the final analysis, to effectively deter a would-be aggressor, we should maintain our armed forces in such a way and with such an understanding that should it ever become obvious that an attack upon us or our allies is imminent, we can launch an attack before the aggressor has hit either us or our allies. This is an element of deterrence which the United States should not deny itself. No other form of deterrence can be relied upon.*
This understanding of anticipatory defense allows for a counterattack before the initial blow falls. Under the terms of modern warfare, for example, if an enemy were to launch a missile attack, the target country could legitimately retaliate even if the enemy's missiles were still inside their borders.
The doctrine of anticipatory defense allows for a preemptive strike even if the missiles are still on their launching pads as long as the order has been issued for their launching [WHICH ISRAEL DOES NOT DO--ISRAEL ATTACKS IN ADVANCE CONSISTENTLY].
3. THE DECISION TO WAGE WAR: WHO IS AUTHORIZED TO DECLARE WAR?
Discretionary war, as opposed to mandatory war, requires the involvement of the Sanhedrin.
Among the reasons for involving the Sanhedrin in the decision-making process is its role as the legal embodiment of popular sovereignty, the edah in biblical terms. Understanding this to imply that the high court was the legal equivalent of "the community of Israel as a whole," Maimonides uses interchangeably the expressions "according to the majority of Israel" and "according to the high court."
Similarly, former Chief Rabbi of Israel, Shlomo Goren, explained that the requirement to secure the Sanhedrin's approval in a discretionary war derives from its representative authority. The involvement of the Sanhedrin in a discretionary war safeguards the citizenry from being endangered without the approval of their representative body.
The Sanhedrin is also involved because of its role as the authoritative interpreter of the Torah-constitution. Since the judicial interpretation for the law is structurally separate from its executive enforcement, the Sanhedrin serves as a check on executive power.
The involvement of the Sanhedrin in discretionary wars helps explain the obligation of citizens to participate. Military obligation is anchored in the biblical perspective that considers the people and the monarch to be bound by a covenant, each with its own obligations. Presumably, statehood involves a pact of mutuality. On the one hand, the people commit themselves to the support of the state and its ruler. On the other hand, the ruler is forsworn to uphold the constitution and not to unnecessarily risk their lives. Allocating some war-making authority to the Sanhedrin guarantees the presence of a countervailing force to the ruler thereby safeguarding the inviolability of the social contract.
Before granting authorization to wage war, the Sanhedrin must weigh the probable losses, consider the chances of success, and assess the will of the people.
As David Bleich writes,
"The Sanhedrin is charged with assessing the military, political and economic reality and determining whether a proposed war is indeed necessary and whether it will be successful in achieving its objectives."
Since wars are always costly in lives, the losses have to be measured against the chance of success. Preventive warfare is unwarranted if the number of lives saved does not significantly exceed the number of lives jeopardized. Calculations of victory alone are not determinative; the price of victory must be considered. The great third century Babylonian talmudic authority Mar Samuel deemed a government liable to charges of misconduct if its losses exceeded one-sixth of the fighting forces. Thus in addition to projecting future losses a government is required to take precautions to limit them.
Nonetheless, as is well known, precision in military projections is well-nigh impossible. The gap between plan and execution characterizes the best of military calculations. Linear plans almost always fail to deal with the nonlinear world that rules strategy and war. Rabbi Eleazar in talmudic times noted, "Any war that involves more than sixty thousand is necessarily chaotic." Modern warfare has not significantly changed the equation. In the words of Prussian Field Marshal Helmuth von Moltke, "No plan can survive contact with the battle."
The Talmud and Midrash provide several considerations for the exclusion of the ruler from making these judgments alone.
They can be divided into two categories.
One, a ruler may be too prone to go to war;
two, he may be too hesitant to go to war.
With regard to the first, a ruler, may be insufficiently disinterested, predisposed to perceive war as an opportunity for enhancing personal prestige, for stimulating the economy, or for consolidating his political base. As the Talmud notes, nothing diverts public attention and deflects the opposition while simultaneously creating the need for a strong leader as war. Reflecting a similar insight, Josephus, well aware of the machinations of opportunistic rulers, pointed out that the biblical laws of warfare are meant to deter conquest by preventing war "waged for self-aggrandizement."
With regard to the second, a ruler may be too reluctant to commit his army for fear of incurring excessive financial burdens. The Talmud justifies excluding the ruler from some of the deliberations out of this fear that the expense of maintaining a standing army could unduly influence his judgment. In a government where the executive is responsible for balancing the budget similar considerations would obtain. There is also the concern that executive dilly-dallying might become a ruse to extend one's tenure in office.
In sum, before the populace may be endangered, the ruler's reasons for waging war have to be checked by the Sanhedrin's assessment of the people's interest. The Sanhedrin's participation is imperative. Being the more disinterested party, it is better positioned to assess the people's interest. Such a system of countervailing powers allows the interest of the state and the interest of the people to achieve a modicum of equilibrium.
4. THE ETHICAL CONDUCT OF WAR
A. Who is subject to immunity; what is subject to destruction:
The estimation of one's own losses and one's own interest is insufficient for validating discretionary war. The total destruction ratio required for victory must be considered. This assessment involves a "double intention," that is, the "good" must appear achievable and the "evil" reducible. For example, before laying siege to a city, a determination must be made whether it can be captured without destroying it. There is no warrant for destroying a town for the purpose of "saving" it.
The other rules for sieges follow similar lines of thought: Indefensible villages may not be subjected to siege. Negotiations with the enemy must precede subjecting a city to hunger, thirst, or disease for the purpose of exacting a settlement. Emissaries of peace must be sent to a hostile city for three days. If the terms are accepted, no harm may befall any inhabitants of the city. If the terms are not accepted, the siege is still not to begin until the enemy has commenced hostilities. Even after the siege is laid, no direct cruelties against the inhabitants may be inflicted, and a side must be left open as an escape route.
Philo warns that national vendettas are not justifications for wars. If a city under siege sues for peace it is to be granted. Peace, albeit with sacrifices, he says, is preferable to the horrors of war. But peace means peace. "If," he continues, "the adversaries persist in their rashness to the point of madness, they [the besiegers] must proceed to the attack invigorated by enthusiasm and having in the justice of their cause an invincible ally." Although the purpose of an army at war is to win, both Philo and the ancient rabbis rejected the claim of military necessity as an excuse for military excess. Despite the goal of victory, indeed victory with all due haste, aimless violence or wanton destruction is to be eschewed. As the Spanish commentator Nahmanides makes clear, acts of destruction are warranted only insofar as they advance the goal of victory. Weapons calculated to produce suffering disproportionate to the military advantage are not countenanced.
Excessive concern with moral niceties, however, can be morally counterproductive. When moral compunction appears as timidity and moral fastidiousness as squeamishness, they invite aggression. To ensure that moral preparedness be perceived from a position of strength, it must be coupled with military preparedness.
Philo, reflecting this concern for the military ambiguity of moral scruples, sounds a note of caution in his summary of the biblical doctrine of defense:
"All this shows clearly that the Jewish nation is ready for agreement and friendship with all like-minded nations whose intentions are peaceful, yet is not of the contemptible kind which surrenders through cowardice to wrongful aggression."
Much of the moral discussion of the conduct of the war derives from the prohibition in Deuteronomy 20:19-20 against axing fruit-bearing trees in the environs of the besieged city. The principal points deal with the issues of wanton destruction and the immunity of the noncombatant.
So, for example, Philo extends the prohibition against axing fruit-bearing trees to include vandalizing the environs of the besieged city:
"Indeed, so great a love for justice does the law instill in those who live under its constitution that it does not even permit the fertile soil of a hostile city to be outraged by devastation or by cutting down trees to destroy the fruits."
In a similar vein, Josephus expands on the prohibition to include the incineration of the enemy's country and the killing of beasts employed in labor. Despoiling the countryside without direct military advantage comes under the proscription of profligate destruction.
Maimonides takes the next step in extending the prohibition to exclude categorically all wanton destruction:
"Also, one who smashes household goods, tears clothes, demolishes a building, stops up a spring, or destroys articles of food with destructive intent, transgresses the command *You shall not destroy.*
According to Sefer Ha-Hinukh, mitzvah #529, the prohibition was meant "to teach us to love the good and the purposeful and to cleave to it so that the good will cleave to us and we will distance ourselves from anything evil and destructive." If the destructive urges provoked by war against nonhuman objects can be controlled, there is a chance of controlling the destructive urge against humans. The link between these two forms the basis of two a fortiori arguments for the immunity of noncombatants.
The first argument for the immunity of noncombatants is grounded in the biblical prohibition against axing fruit trees during a siege. Since the prohibition against their destruction can be formulated in a rhetorical manner, to wit, "Are trees of the field human to withdraw before you under siege?" (Deuteronomy 20:19), it is deduced that just as a tree - had it fled - would not be chopped down, so a person - were he to flee - should not be cut down. The logic of the argument is spelled out by the sixteenth-century Safedean exegete, Moses Alshikh. After mentioning the prohibition against the wanton destruction of trees, he notes, "all the more so it is fitting that he have mercy on his children and on his creatures."
The second argument is rooted in the ruling that a fourth side of a besieged city be left open. It is unclear whether the motive here is humanitarian or tactical. Whatever the case, the opportunity to escape saps the resolve of the besieged to continue fighting. Otherwise, as the fifteenth century Spanish-Italian exegete, Abarbanel, observes, they will out of desperation take heart "and seek to avenge themselves before they die... since one who despairs of life and well-being will risk his life to strike his enemy a great blow." Thus it is important to take measures to ensure that the chance to flee not be exploited for the sake of regrouping to mount rear attacks
Now, if (unarmed) soldiers have the chance of becoming refugees, then surely noncombatants and other neutrals do. The principle may be stated as no harm to those who intend no harm. Thus Abarbanel says with regard to the immunity of women and children, "Since they are not making war they do not deserve to die in it." Similarly, the Midrash explains that the fear of Abraham noted in Genesis 15:1 was due to him saying, "Perhaps it is the case that among those troops whom I killed there was a righteous man or a God-fearer."
As noted, the principle of the immunity of noncombatants discriminates in favor of those who have done no harm. Even this principle that those who intend no harm should not be harmed is derived, according to Philo, from the case of the fruit tree: "Does a tree, I ask you, show ill will to the human enemy that it should be pulled up roots and all, to punish it for ill which it has done or is ready to do to you?"
Obviously, the immunity of noncombatants cannot be sacrificed on the altar of military necessity.
In sum, as Philo notes:
The Jewish nation when it takes up arms, distinguishes between those whose life is one of hostility, and the reverse. For to breathe slaughter against all, even those who have done very little or nothing amiss, shows what I should call a savage and brutal soul.
From the limitations of sieges it can be extrapolated that weapons directed primarily at civilian targets would be proscribed. As such the military option of counter-people warfare in conventional war as well as mutually assured destruction (MAD) in nuclear warfare would be precluded. Multi megaton weapons whose primary goal is civilian slaughter and only secondarily military targets would be totally proscribed. As there are unacceptable weapons, so are there unacceptable targets.
B. The human dimension in war: the image of the soldier and the humanity of the enemy.
These ethical intrusions in the waging of war have two major foci:
safeguarding the moral character of the soldier and
preserving the human image of the enemy.
Any system that appreciates the realities of both the moral life and the military faces a dilemma in promoting the moral perfection of the individual while allowing for military involvement. Some systems forswear war as the price of moral excellence. Others apportion the moral life and the military life to different segments of the population. If the two are mutually exclusive, then a division of labor is a possible solution.
Neither alternative is totally acceptable in Jewish ethical theory. Regarding forswearing war, Maimonides pointed out that it was "the neglect of the art of warfare that brought about conquest, destruction, and exile" at the time of the Second Jewish Commonwealth. Clearly Maimonides would find it, in the words of Abba Eban, "hard to see why the advocates of unilateral renunciation are more `moral' than those who seek to prevent war by a reciprocal balance of deterrents and incentives."
Solutions to conflict have to be judged by their effectiveness as well as by their virtue. Indeed, there is no reason to concede, as Eban continues, "that prevention of conflict by effective deterrence [is] less moral than the invitation to conflict by avoidable imbalance." For deterrence to be credible, the capacity to make war must be credible. Paradoxically, as Raymond Aron notes, "the possibility of unlimited violence restrains the use of violence without any threats even being proffered." [which is also a WAR CRIME AND GENOCIDE]
As noted, unilateral disarmament cannot be judged morally superior if it invites attack. A policy of abdication of power that results in condemning others to subjugation has a questionable moral basis. Since political naïveté can result in moral sin, Maimonides concludes his critique of the political sagacity of ancient Israel's leaders lamenting, "Our fathers have sinned, but they are no more."
While a division of labor on ethical lines is always a possibility, those who reject solutions predicated on the exemption of the ethical elites from the maintenance work of society have struggled with the challenge of sustaining the moral stature of the soldier.
These ethicists have focused on the brutalization of character that inevitably results from the shedding of blood in wartime. Indeed, as mentioned, Philo explained the prohibition against slaying the defenseless out of concern with the savagery of the soul of the soldier; whereas the Midrash even condemned a king for the ruthless slaying of an enemy.
In the thirteenth century, Nahmanides, who elsewhere expressed his apprehension that "the most refined of people become possessed with ferocity and cruelty when advancing upon the enemy," opined that the Torah wants the soldier to "learn to act compassionately with our enemies even during wartime." In the fourteenth century, Sefer Ha-Hinukh (mitzvah #527) explained the requirement to leave open a fourth side of a besieged city saying, "the quality of compassion is a good attribute and it is appropriate for us, the holy seed, to behave accordingly in all our matters even with our idolatrous enemies." Isaac Arama noted, in the next century, that since "War is impossible without murder and hatred of humanity . . . and there is nothing like it to undermine all sense of right and wrong," that the Torah requires "the fighter be a man of peaceful intentions." In the eighteenth century, ²ayyim Attar underscored how killing, however justified, "gives birth to a brutalization of sensibilities," requiring special divine grace to be palliated.
In the nineteenth century, Samuel David Luzzato argued that since the Torah's purpose is to strengthen the forces of compassion and to counter the natural drive for only self-serving acts, it is concerned that we not become ingrates by casting stones into the well from which we drink. Such would be the case if, after eating the fruit of a tree, we were to chop down that very tree. Such agonizing over the moral stature of the soldier is summed up in the twentieth century in the words of former Justice Haim Cohen of the Israeli Supreme Court, "It seems that constant violence, even in self-defense, is not easily compatible with moral sensitivity." All the more reason to promulgate an ethic of soldiery in order to limit any skewing of the balance between military and moral competence.
The concern with the humanity of the enemy is also a significant issue. Referring to Deuteronomy 21:10ff., Josephus says the legislator of the Jews commands "showing consideration even to declared enemies. He . . . forbids even the spoiling of fallen combatants; he has taken measures to prevent outrage to prisoners of war, especially women."
Apparently reflecting a similar sensibility, R. Joshua claimed that his biblical namesake took pains to prevent the disfigurement of fallen Amaleqites, whereas David brought glory to Israel by giving burial to his enemies.
It is this consideration for the humanity of the enemy that forms the basis of Philo's explanation for the biblical requirement in Numbers 31:19 of expiation for those who fought against Midian. He writes:
"For though the slaughter of enemies is lawful, yet one who kills a man, even if he does so justly and in self-defense and under compulsion, has something to answer for, in view of the primal common kinship of mankind. And therefore, purification was needed for the slayers, to absolve them from what was held to have been a pollution."
Since, alas, there are times when evil has to be used to hold evil in check, the problem, as Rabbi Abraham Kook noted, is how to engage in evil without becoming so. His solution requires even the righteous to be constantly involved in repentance. In a similar vein, Philo, as noted above, requires rites of expiation even after necessary evils. Since there is no war without evil -- either because killing can never be deemed a good, or because war inevitably entails unnecessary killing -- there is no war that does not require penance. This explains, according to some, why the slaying that ensued after the Golden Calf episode required acts of expiation.
The ongoing dialectic between the demands of conscience and the exigencies of the hour was caught by Martin Buber in the following words:
"It is true that we are not able to live in perfect justice, and in order to preserve the community of man, we are often compelled to accept wrongs in decisions concerning the community.
But what matters is that in every hour of decision we are aware of our responsibility and summon our conscience to weigh exactly how much is necessary to preserve the community, and accept just so much and no more;
that we not interpret the demands of a will-to-power as a demand made by life itself;
that we do not make a practice of setting aside a certain sphere in which God's command does not hold,
but regard those actions as against his command, forced on us by the exigencies of the hour as painful sacrifices;
that we do not salve, or let others salve our conscience when we make decisions concerning public life."
Buber stands in the tradition that brooks no compromise with the idea that, whatever the pretext, necessary evils remain evils.
C. The principle of purity of arms:
Those concerns for the moral quotient of the soldier and the life of the enemy inform the "purity of arms" doctrine of the Israel Defense Forces. The doctrine of purity of arms limits killing to necessary and unavoidable situations. Although the expression was apparently coined by the Labor-Zionist idealogue Berl Katznelson, it was former Prime Minister David Ben Gurion who made it a dogma of the Israel Defense Forces. How successfully it has been maintained under wartime conditions is illustrated by the following account of an Israeli unit entering Nablus during the Six-Day War:
"I entered first into Nablus after the tanks... There were many people with guns... I said to the battalion CO: `There are many people here with guns, to shoot or not to shoot? Then he said to me, `Don't shoot' It could have been that they several casualties could have been avoided afterwards if they would have gone straight into the city firing... The battalion CO, furthermore, got on the field telephone to my company and said, `Don't touch the civilians . . . don't fire until you're fired at and don't touch the civilians. Look, you've been warned. Their blood be on your heads.' . . . The boys in the company kept talking about it afterwards . . . . They kept repeating the words . . . .`Their blood be on your heads.'"
According to Israeli colonel Meir Pa'il, the purity of arms doctrine maintains the moral stature of the soldier without seriously compromising his fighting capacity:
"There can be no doubt that the turning toward extreme and consummate humanism can endanger the I.D.F.'s [Israel Defense Forces] ability to function, but experience has proved that the proportions of this danger are extremely small and that it does not constitute a phenomenon that really endangers the operative capacity and the efficiency of the defense forces."
D. Summary:
A consistent thread weaves its way from biblical ordinance through medieval reflection to modern practice, as noted by exponents throughout the ages. Just because an army is legitimately repelling an aggressor does not allow it to wreak havoc with civilian life. The warrior is the enemy, not the noncombatant civilian. A just war does not justify unjust acts. There must be a consonance between means and goal. If peace is the goal, the reality of war is to be conditioned by the vision of the reconciliation between the warring populations. In this sense, education for peace forms part of military engagement.
5. IMPOSING ON MANDATORY WARS THE LIMITATIONS OF DISCRETIONARY WAR:
Many of these considerations for maintaining the moral stature of the soldier and the humanity of the enemy received their initial stimulus from those biblical passages on war that have been categorized as discretionary. Nonetheless, many of them became applicable to mandatory wars. Although the better-known tendency distinguishes between the two types of war, the inclination to underscore the overlap between them figures significantly in the classical discussion.
This drive toward moral convergence between the two types of war finds its roots in the Bible. Thus, in 1 Samuel 15:6, provisions are made to evacuate neutrals from the battle area even in the biblically mandated war against Amaleq.
In addition to some moral considerations, the two types of war share strategic considerations. Since the statement by Rabbi Eleazar in the Midrash about the chaotic nature of warfare derives from the numbers involved in the conquest of the Land of Israel, it follows that even the mandatory war of the original conquest of Israel required a weighing of victory against losses not unlike those of discretionary wars.
The Midrash traces the blurring of the distinctions between the two types of war back to the Torah. It finds in the following dialogue a way of parrying the assumption that overtures of peace are limited to discretionary wars:
"God commanded Moses to make war on Sihon, as it is said, `Engage him in battle' (Deuteronomy 2:24), but he did not do so. Instead he sent messengers . . . to Sihon . . . with an offer of peace (Deuteronomy 2:26). God said to him: `I command you to make war with him, but instead you began with peace: by your life, I shall confirm your decision. Every war upon which Israel enters shall begin with an offer of peace."
Since Joshua is said to have extended such an offer to the Canaanites, and Numbers 27:21 points out Joshua's need for applying to the priestly Urim and Tumim to assess the chances of victory, it is evident that also divinely-commanded wars are predicated on overtures of peace as well as on positive assessments of the outcome. Even in the mandatory war against Amaleq, as mentioned, the fallen were not disfigured. Finally, as discretionary wars require the assent of the Sanhedrin, so mandatory wars require the concurrence of priestly appurtances. In any event, chief executives lack carte blanche to commit their people to war.
The move to impose upon mandatory warfare some of the procedural or moral restraints of discretionary warfare counters the sliding scale argument, namely, the belief that "the greater the justice of one's cause, the more rights one has in battle." The move from convictions of righteousness to feelings of self-righteousness is slight. The subsequent move of regarding the enemy population as beyond the pale of humanity is even slighter. Since this tendency is especially pronounced in ideologically and religiously motivated wars, any countermove is noteworthy.
The greater the blurring of distinctions between discretionary and mandatory war, the greater the chance of removing from the military agenda the option of total war. Strapping mandatory wars with some of the restrictions of discretionary wars precludes them from becoming holy wars. According to John Yoder's When War Is Unjust, holy wars differ from just wars in the following five respects:
1. holy wars are validated by a transcendent cause;
2. the cause is known by revelation
3. the adversary has no rights;
4. the criterion of last resort need not apply;
5. it need not be winnable.
The above discussion illustrates how the antidotes to 3-5 were woven into the ethical fabric of mandatory wars. To repeat, the fallen of Amaleq were not to be disfigured, the resort to war even against the Cannanites was only pursuant to overtures of peace, and even the chances of success against Midian were weighed by the Urim and Tumim. By replacing the category of holy war with that of mandatory war and subjecting it to many of the limitations of discretionary war, all war became subject to ethical restraint. Although a sliding scale of limited warfare is ethically feasible, an ethic of unlimited warfare is a contradiction in terms. It is therefore not surprising that the expression "holy war" is absent from the Jewish ethical or military lexicon.
6. EXEMPTIONS FROM MILITARY SERVICE
The obligation of the citizen to participate in a mandatory defensive war flows from three assumptions. The first is that national defense is based on an analogue of individual self-defense
The second is that the duty of national defense is derived from the verse, "Do not stand idly by the blood of your neighbor." The implication is that the duty to come to the rescue of compatriots under attack is comparable to the duty to intervene to rescue an individual from an assailant.
These two assumptions alone prove inadequate. With regard to the first, if escape is available, self-defense is optional not mandatory. Thus the domestic analogy on its own remains insufficient for extrapolating the right of national defense from the right of home defense. As for the second, while classical legal opinion is divided on the obligation of risking one's life for another all agree that there is no duty to save a life at the cost of life.
Justifying risk of life in the name of national defense requires the additional assumption that the duty to save the community mandates the risk of life, for if, as the Midrash states, "It is preferable that one life be in doubtful danger than all in certain danger" then, as Maimonides notes , "The public welfare takes precedence over one's personal safety." "Indeed," according to Judah Halevy, "It is proper for the individual to bear worse than death to save the community." The responsibility to defend the community increases when the community is the state whose mandate includes the protection of the total citizenry.
In a defensive war, the lives of the citizens are imperiled by the initial attack. Since the counterattack is undertaken to diminish the risk to life, it may be authorized by executive action. Such is not the case in discretionary wars, which, by seeking to extend the political or economic influence of the government, initially increase the peril to life.
Even in a preemptive attack, according to one school of thought, the lack of imminent danger to the population precludes the executive from independently making the decision to endanger the lives of the citizenry. Thus the endorsement of a policy of war is left to the discretion of the Sanhedrin.
Since discretionary wars initially increase the peril to life, the deliberations of the Sanhedrin need to include the weighing of popular support in its endorsement. This does not imply a government by referendum. Even those who maintain that sovereignty ultimately rests with the community hold that during their tenure, representatives are authorized to express the collective will. Representative government is not government by the people, but government by their agents.
Nonetheless, concurrent with theories of majority rule are provisions for minority rights. As there is general agreement that the majority cannot impose unfair rules that discriminate against the minority, so there is a consensus that the majority has the right to impose on the minority in matters that are clearly for the benefit of the community. Legal opinion, however, is split on whether the minority can be imposed upon in those discretionary areas which though desired by the majority are not clearly for the benefit of the community as a whole.
Whether such provisions would apply in war is an open question. It would appear that once the government has complied with proper procedure, the individual would have no recourse but to fight. After all, if the duly constituted authorities have determined the necessity of war, who is the individual to review the government's decision? This surely holds in defensive wars where no one is exempt from self-defense, the duty to rescue others, and the obligation to defend the state that secures the well-being of all.
The question is whether these considerations apply equally in a discretionary war or whether majority rule is limited by the discretionary nature of the war and thus must meet the requirement of benefit to the community as a whole. Although these considerations are not made explicit, they may help us understand the peculiar biblical rules of warfare with regard to exemptions from military service.
According to the Torah, before commencing hostilities, the officials are to address the troops as follows:
"Is there anyone who has built a new house but has not dedicated it . . . or planted a vineyard but has never harvested it . . . or spoken for a woman in marriage but has not married her . . . let him go back home, lest he die in battle and another . . . [do] it.
The officials shall go on addressing the troops and say, is there anyone afraid and tender-hearted: Let him go back to his home, lest the courage of his comrades flag like his." (Deuteronomy 20:59)
Individuals in these categories are required to report for duty before being assigned alternative service.
Another category not only is exempt from reporting for duty but is excused from all alternative service such as provisions and weapon supply, road repair, special security expenditures, or even oversight of defensive installations. This category derives from the following verse: "When a man has taken a bride, he shall not go out with the army or be assigned to it for any purpose; he shall be exempt one year for the sake of his household, to give happiness to the woman he has married" (Deuteronomy 24:5).
According to the Mishnah, the absolute exemption of one year for one who has consummated his marriage applies also to "one who has built his house and dedicated it" as well as to "one who has planted a vineyard and harvested it."
All the exemptions are characterized by their universal access. There are no exemptions based on birth, on education, on professional class, or even on religious status. This fits the moral purpose of conscription, which is to universalize or randomize the risks of war across a generation of men. By not creating a special exclusion even for religion, the Torah underscores that when life is at stake there can be no respecting of persons.
The purpose of all of the exemptions is not made explicit, although the value of removing from the field those who cannot concentrate on the battle is noted. The presence of such people increases fatalities resulting from disarray and failure of nerve. Other explanations for the exemptions include the need to mitigate individual hardship, to give courage to those who remain, to maintain the sanctity of the camp, or to prevent depopulation of urban areas.
The talmudic rabbis understood each case as illustrative of a principle and extended the exemptions to cover four categories of handicaps: the economic, the familial, the psycho-moral and the physical. Claims for economic and familial exemptions are subject to substantiation. The other two are assumed to be self-evident.
Although the psycho-moral exemption does not require independent confirmation, its meaning is far from self-evident. The Torah mentions two categories: "afraid" and "tender-hearted." According to Rabbi Yosi Hagalili, afraid means apprehensive about his sins; tender-hearted means fearful of war lest he be killed. According to Rabbi Akiva, afraid means fearful of war; tender- hearted means compassionate - apprehensive lest he kill. Taken together, there would be grounds for exempting the psychologically timid as well as the morally scrupulous.
Besides having to be substantiated, the economic and familial exemptions share another common denominator. Projects such as starting a house, planting the initial vineyard, or getting engaged mostly affect men in their prime, which is the age of maximum combat readiness. Since in defeat these people have the most to lose, they would be most willing to fight a necessary war and most reluctant to engage in an unnecessary one. A large number of exemptions for this age group could so hamper mobilization efforts as to impair the military effort, as Nahmanides implies when he notes, "Were it not for [the requirement of substantiation], a majority of the people would seek exemption on false pretenses." Nahmanides' fears were borne out by the experience of the biblical judge Gideon, who, upon making provisions for the psycho-moral exemption, lost two-thirds of his fighting force.
But this is precisely the point. There is a loophole in the war legislation, loophole so gaping that it allows those not convinced of the validity of the war to reassert their sovereignty through legal shenanigans. Doubts about the validity of the war will stir up their own social momentum and induce to seek wholesale exemptions. The result is a war declared by the executive and approved by the Sanhedrin which sputters because the populace has not been persuaded of its necessity.
Mobilization will fail without a high degree of popular support. Many will express their halfheartedness by dragging their feet in the hope of being, as the Talmud says, "the last to go to war and the first to return." When their lives are at stake the populace retains a semblance of sovereignty. By impairing the mobilization process, they end up passing judgment on the necessity of the military venture and on the legitimacy of the political ends. Without popular support, political ends which endanger large parts of the population are eo ipso illegitimate. In a similar vein, Abarbanel points out that those mobilized for war must go "willingly without coercion or duress." Arama also mandates "those who speak to the fighting forces to see whether they have accepted the risks of war." That this populace principle, as it were, is a factor in legitimating acts of state is evinced in the ruling that for conquered territory to enter the public domain the military venture must have commanded the approval of the majority. Notwithstanding the need to secure the approval of the Sanhedrin before incurring the risks of war, wars -- it appears -- still need to command popular legitimacy to be valid whether politically or morally.
One of the reasons it is so difficult to justify a non-defensive war is that Judaism makes it difficult to forgo one's sovereignty. Life and liberty are divine gifts not to be squandered. According to the Torah (Exodus 21:6) a person who chooses to remain a slave is to have his ear pierced with an awl. Rabbinic tradition saw in the piercing of the ear a symbolic punishment for forgoing one's divinely-given freedom:
"Because the ear heard on Mount Sinai: `For they are My servants, who I freed from the land of Egypt; they may not give themselves over into servitude' (Leviticus 25:42), and it divested itself of God's authority and accepted human authority - let it be pierced."
If such be the penalty for frittering away one's freedom, how much more so for frittering away one's life? The sense of being responsible for one's life works to prevent one from signing it over nonchalantly to a government. The demand to live by the Torah rather than die by it ensures that the decision to wage war be handled with the requisite gravity by both government and individual.
It follows that the resort to military force requires a moral as well as a political raison d'etre. Otherwise the war effort risks being undermined by the morale of the very community that constitutes the resource of power. As former Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion noted, "two-thirds of military prowess is popular morale."
Since military success is as much a function of "staying power" as it is of "striking power," striking power is subject to both quantitative and qualitative assessments of military resources. Staying power, however, is a correlative of the strength of motivation which itself derives from unity of purpose and popular consensus with regard to national aspirations. The result is that victory is not only a function of military might, and national resources, but also a product of the social fabric and the national will.
In sum, the issue is not just the proper use of force (jus in bello), but also the proper means of assessing whether to resort to force (jus ad bellum). Since such calculations exceed formal military considerations, official responsibilities for assessment lie with the Sanhedrin. Nonetheless, since large numbers of lives are at stake, there exists a legal technicality in the mobilization process that allows for discerning popular sentiment. As the justification for the war loses credibility, and the war itself loses popularity, so grows the likelihood of mass petitions for exemptions on dubious grounds. In the final analysis, the consent of those called upon to make the supreme sacrifice can weigh as heavily as the approval of the Sanhedrin.
Thus the greater the numbers of elements in the body politic needed to approve a war, the greater the check on unnecessary wars and their attendant abuses of power .
#WARFARE | Review of "Remember Amalek!": Vengeance, Zealotry, and Group Destruction in the Bible According to Philo, Pseudo-Philo, and Josephus.
Niditch, Susan. Review of "Remember Amalek!": Vengeance, Zealotry, and Group Destruction in the Bible According to Philo, Pseudo-Philo, and Josephus. Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies, vol. 24 no. 3, 2006, p. 179-181. Project MUSE, https://doi.org/10.1353/sho.2006.0071.
"Remember Amalek!" Vengeance, Zealotry, and Group Destruction in the Bible According to Philo, Pseudo-Philo, and Josephus, by Louis H. Feldman. Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 2004. 272 pp. $34.95.
Professor Louis Feldman opens his excellent work with critical questions in the ethics of war: How could a merciful God desire to exterminate all Amalekites as commanded in 1 Sam 15:3? How did some of the early thinkers in Jewish intellectual history make sense of such a command: the hellenistic philosopher Philo who died c. 50 CE; so-called Pseudo-Philo, the first or early second century author of the Biblical Antiquities; and Josephus, the pre-eminent Jewish historian of the first century?
Feldman's study of treatments of the Amalekite enemy expands into a wider examination of the ways in which these classical Jewish authors dealt with a variety of biblical cases in which God commands the total annihilation of groups of people, without attention to their status as non-combatants, their age, or their gender.
Included in this set of texts are the stories of Noah's flood and Sodom and Gomorrah, the plague of the Egyptian first-born, the vengeance of Phineas, and the whole phenomenon of herem.
Often translated "the ban," this term, rooted in the verb meaning "devote to destruction," refers to the wholesale destruction of men, women, and children in an ancient Near Eastern war ideology that emerges, in particular, in biblical conquest traditions preserved in Numbers, Deuteronomy, and Joshua.
Feldman is interested in the extent to which Philo, Pseudo-Philo, and Josephus "raise issues of divine morality." He asks also how war was perceived to be justified.
Feldman's work includes a beautifully careful and systematic review of each ancient author's response to relevant biblical scenes or sets of texts; a useful summation concludes each section. Feldman nicely contextualizes the ways in which the three understand biblical events pertaining to war in terms of their own historical-cultural settings, experience, and worldview.
He examines what their views of biblical tales of mass killing might tell us about them and their first-century intellectual orientations. He concludes, for example, that Philo's understanding of warring relations with Amalek teach "the superiority of the ethereal to the material," "one of Philo's favorite themes."
The incident involving Amalek allows Philo to present the heroism of an aged Moses, a "great leader." As one might expect, Philo allegorizes, equating Amalek "with passion or evil" (pp. 21–22). Pseudo-Philo treats Amalek as an "embodiment of wickedness (p. 23)." He has no qualms about "the divine command of genocide."
The evil must be rooted out. Josephus has the greatest number of references to Amalek, and provides a military man's lengthier version of the [End Page 179] enemy's attack than the terse biblical account. He has considerable interest in Saul's and David's encounters with Amalekites.
Feldman also provides a useful collection of relevant Rabbinic midrashim concerning Amalek. Their "creative historiography" concerning Amalek, to use a phrase of Yitzhak Heinemann, indicates that the Rabbis are troubled by the demand that all Amalekites be destroyed, suggesting that even Amalekites might convert to avoid being placed under "the ban."
Such Rabbinic views concerning Amalek tally with other midrashic treatments of passages such as Deuteronomy 20 directly related to the ban (see, for example, Sifre on Deuteronomy 202 and Deuteronomy Rabbah 5:14).
Feldman shows with good attention to nuances and complexities how attitudes to the use of violence are by no means uniform in the tradition. The same is true, of course, of the biblical tradition itself. Moreover, Feldman seeks to explain the ambivalences of the ancient writers towards the inherited tradition. Josephus, for example, is loath to seem to approve of the priest Phineas' God-sanctioned vengeance. In Feldman's view, Josephus does not want to seem to approve of the zealots who opposed the Romans in his own time and who would have considered Phineas a hero (p. 215). Feldman's compact conclusions draw useful comparisons between his sources, again placing each writer in his historical and or intellectual context: Pseudo-Philo has no ethical difficulties in regarding God's commands to destroy literally and displays a seeming lack of discomfort with banning traditions. Philo allegorizes in order to "answer Jews in his own community who raise questions of theodicy." He is concerned to show that "the innocent should not suffer for the sins of the guilty" (p. 224). Moreover, he does not wish to anger non-Jews by suggesting that the Israelites hated the Gentiles, and so as Feldman deftly shows, walks a fine line in explaining these ethically troubling passages. Josephus shares Philo's interest in portraying Jews as good citizens and seeks to justify the killing in war one way or another.
One of the most interesting implications of Feldman's careful study is that ancient Jewish writers worried about the ethical implications of biblical texts pertaining to war. As Michael Waltzer has said, "the truth is that one of the things most of us want, even in war, is to act or to seem to act morally" (Just and Unjust Wars, 1977:20). Feldman's erudition and thoroughness is evident in this study. He selects texts well and allows the voices and concerns of the ancient writers to emerge.
There is, of course, a large cross-disciplinary and important bibliography concerning the ethics of war in general and genocide in particular. Feldman does not engage with earlier works such as Bainton's classic study and the collection of articles by Bramson and Goethals or with more recent articles [End Page 180] and monographs by scholars such as Mark Jurgensmeyer, David Little, S. R. Appleby, and Roger D. Peterson. The reader longs for a deeper analytical and interpretive framework that sheds further light on these important ancient interpretations of biblical war texts.
Fields of religious ethics, psychology, anthropology, and sociology have much to contribute. Professor Feldman resists taking risks. For example, he might have explored whether Pseudo-Philo's attitudes to warring behavior, so carefully described, provide hints to the background and provenance of this difficult-to-date-and-identify author.
On the other hand, Professor Feldman has provided all the necessary primary material with consummate erudition and thoroughness, thereby inviting others to further analysis and exploration.
Susan Niditch
Department of Religion
Amherst College
From <https://muse.jhu.edu/article/197155>
#Netanyahu Accused of 'Genocidal Intentions' in Gaza After 'Holy Mission' Speech | 2023Oct30
Netanyahu Accused of 'Genocidal Intentions' in Gaza After 'Holy Mission' Speech
"The biblical reference to Amalek is genocidal," noted one theologian after the prime minister invoked an ancient enemy. "The Bible commands to wipe out Amalek, including women, babies, children, and animals."
Brett Wilkins Oct 30, 2023 | COMMONDREAMS
brett@commondreams.org
From <https://www.commondreams.org/news/netanyahu-genocide>
Human rights defenders on Monday accused Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of an "explicit call to genocide" after he delivered a televised address calling Israel's imminent invasion of Gaza a "holy mission" and invoked an ancient mythical foe whom the God of the Hebrew Bible commanded the Israelites to exterminate.
Declaring the start of a "second stage" of Israel's war on Gaza—which he described as a "holy mission"—Netanyahu said that "you must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible."
According to the Hebrew Bible, the nation of Amalek was an ancient archenemy of the Israelites whose extermination was commanded by God to Saul via the prophet Samuel.
"The biblical reference to Amalek is genocidal... Why are Western politicians silent?"
"Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have, and spare them not; but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass," states the Old Testament in 1 Samuel 15:3.
The holy text further states that Saul infuriates God by sparing some of the Amalekites and their livestock.
"If it was not obvious from the carpet bombing, use of white phosphorus, and indiscriminate killing that the Zionist government of Israel [has] clear genocidal intentions, then the... reference to Palestinians as Amalek in Netanyahu's speech describing his plans for Gaza should be enough to convince you," British religious scholar Hamza Andreas Tzortzis wrote on social media Monday.
@elivalley Any mention of Amalek is an explicit call for genocide
Mehmet Solmaz @MhmtSlmz
Netanyahu: "You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible" 1 Samuel 15:3 "Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have, and spare them not; but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass"
-- video twitter link | netanyahu's Amalek speech
"The biblical reference to Amalek is genocidal. The Bible commands to wipe out Amalek, including women, babies, children, and animals," Tzortzis added. "Why are Western politicians silent? Stop the genocide now!"
As Truthout's Aidan Orly noted last week:
For centuries, Christian leaders have used Amalekite language to justify genocide, including against Native Americans and against Tutsis in Rwanda. Right-wing Jewish groups have also employed the Amalek trope. Baruch Goldstein massacred 29 Palestinian worshippers in the Tomb of the Patriarchs in 1994, likely influenced by Amalekite language employed by the far-right Kahane movement of which he was a part.
Orly added that "Israel's current minister of national security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, is also associated with this movement, which has largely dissipated but is still technically outlawed in Israel as a terrorist group."
@mahtowin1 The Puritan preacher Cotton Mather and others used the same genocidal biblical story of the Amalekites to bolster their calls to “extirpate” (root out and destroy completely) Indigenous peoples in the Massachusetts Bay Colony.
@muhammadshehad2
Netanyahu is now going fully genocidal; calling Palestinians "Amalek" & citing the bible to justify their destruction! The bible called to "utterly destroy all that Amalek have, & spare them not; but slay both man & WOMAN, INFANT & suckling, ox & sheep, camel & donkey"! (1/2)
--@ Video Link Bibi Press conference
U.S. academic and Informed Comment publisher Juan Cole accused Netanyahu of declaring "a holy war of annihilation of civilians of Gaza."
"Netanyahu may have gestured to, and defiled, the Bible by excusing his genocide against the civilians of Gaza with reference to 1 Samuel. But his real bible is Revisionist Zionism with its fascist and explicitly colonial ideology," Cole wrote Sunday on Informed Comment, referring to a form of Zionism—the movement for a Jewish homeland in Palestine—that seeks to conquer not only all of Palestine but also Jordan and parts of Lebanon and Syria.
"The Iron Wall is now advancing into Gaza, doing to small children and pregnant women what the authors of 1 Samuel in prosaic Babylon probably only dreamed of doing to the mythical Amalekites," Cole added.
Netanyahu isn't the only Israeli leader who has made what critics have called genocidal statement in recent weeks. Israeli President Isaac Herzog asserted earlier this month that there are no innocent civilians in Gaza, while Defense Minister Yoav Gallant vowed to "eliminate everything" there.
Ariel Kallner, a member of parliament from Netanyahu's Likud party, urged a "Nakba that will overshadow the Nakba of '48," a reference to the forced expulsion and ethnic cleansing of over 750,000 Arabs from Palestine during the founding of the modern state of Israel in 1947-48.
Tally Gotliv, another Likud lawmaker, demanded "not flattening a neighborhood," but "crushing and flattening Gaza without mercy."
— (@) VIDEO TWITTER
Some U.S. Republicans have echoed Israeli leaders' statements, while President Joe Biden and members of his administration have been accused of denial of—and complicity in—genocide for casting aspersions upon official Palestinian casualty reports and providing diplomatic cover and billions of dollars in military aid for Israel's government.
The backlash against Netanyahu's comments came as Israel Defense Forces (IDF) tanks and troops advanced on Gaza City as the relentless Israeli aerial and artillery bombardment continued.
According to the Gaza Health Ministry, Israeli forces have killed 8,306 people in Gaza—including 2,136 women and 3,457 children—with more than 21,000 others injured, nearly half of all homes destroyed or damaged, and over 1.4 million people forced to flee for their lives. Israel has killed more children in the past three weeks than the combined number of children killed in all of the world's armed conflict zones since 2019, according to the charity Save the Children.
— (@) VIDEO TWITTER
In the illegally occupied West Bank, at least 121 people have been killed and more than 2,000 others have been wounded since October 7, when Hamas-led fighters infiltrated southern Israel and killed over 1,400 Israeli civilians and soldiers, while taking more than 200 hostages.
More than 800 international lawyers, jurists, and legal scholars have signed an open letter stating that "we are compelled to sound the alarm about the possibility of the crime of genocide being perpetrated by Israeli forces against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip."
Raz Segal, a leading Israeli Holocaust scholar, has called his country's assault on Gaza "a textbook case of genocide."
From <https://www.commondreams.org/news/netanyahu-genocide>
#E12 Deir Yassin Butcher's Motivational Talk urging IDF soldiers to Kill Kids
IDF calls up Butcher from '48 Massacre to Motivate Troops to Kill Kids
Church of Saint Porphyrius Bombed Oct 26 while refugees taking shelter | Washington Post
Butcher of '47 Deir Yessin Massacre Cheers Troops to 'Erase' Palestinian children | 2023oct14 Source: The MiddleEast Eye
UN Report | 1948apr20 | Deir Yassin Massacre
Source: www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-211346/
RESTRICTED UK/113
20 April 1948
UNITED NATIONS PALESTINE COMMISSION
Communication Received from United Kingdom Delegation Concerning Jewish Attack on Arab Village of Deir Yassin
The following communication, giving details of the Jewish attack on the Arab Village at Deir Yassin on 9 April, has been received from Mr. Fletcher-Cooke of the United Kingdom Delegation.
My Dear Bunche,
May I refer you to paragraph 2 of the Incident Report for the 9th April, in which reference was made to the attack by Jews on the Arab village at Deir Yassin.
2. The following supplementary information is now available as regards this incident:-
(1) The operation is believed to have been a joint National Military Organisation – Stern Group enterprise undertaken with the knowledge of the Haganah.
(2) The deaths of some 250 Arabs, men, women and children, which occurred during this attack, took place in circumstances of great savagery.
(3) Woman and children were stripped, lined up, photographed, and then slaughtered by automatic firing and survivors have told of even more incredible bestialities.
(4) Those who were taken prisoner were treated with degrading brutality.
(5) Although the Haganah is unable to deny that it gave covering fire to the terrorists responsible for this outrage, the action as a whole has been condemned by the Jewish press and denounced by the Chief Rabbinate.
(6) Owing to other preoccupations, the Security Forces were not in a position to act before the 14th April, for which day an air strike at Deir Yassin was arranged.
(7) On the 13th April, it became apparent that the Haganah had taken over the village from the terrorists, and the operation was, therefore, suspended.
(8) The Government of Palestine reported on the 14th April that it had not yet been possible to enter Deir Yassin and that a Jewish Police Officer sent to investigate was not allowed by the Haganah to proceed beyond Givat Shaul.
(9) A representative of the International Red Cross who visited Deir Yassin on the 11th April is said to have stated that in one cave he saw heaped bodies of some 150 Arab men, women and children, whilst in a stronghold a further 50 bodies were found.
Yours sincerely,
(signed) J. FLETCHER-COOKE
Dr. Ralph J. Bunche,
Principal Secretary to the United Nations
Nations Commission on Palestine
United Nations, Lake Success.
Document symbol: A/AC.21/UK/113
Download Document Files: https://unispal.un.org/pdfs/AAC21UK113.pdf
Document Type: Communication, Letter
Document Sources: General Assembly, United Nations Palestine Commission (UNPC)
Country: United Kingdom
Subject: Armed conflict, Casualties, Governance, Incidents, Incursions, Palestine question, Statehood-related
Publication Date: 09/04/1948
Butcher of '47 Deir Yessin Massacre Cheers Troops to 'Erase' Palestinian children | 2023oct14
Israeli veteran, 95, rallies troops to 'erase' Palestinian children | 2023oct14
By Rayhan Uddin | middleeasteye.net | 14 October 2023
Ezra Yachin, who was involved in the 1948 Deir Yassin massacre, tells troops 'these animals can no longer live', referring to Palestinians
Ezra Yachin, 95, who was involved in the 1948 Deir Yassin massacre, is one of 300,000 reservists called up by Israel's army this week (Social media)
Published date:14 October 2023
An Israeli army veteran who was involved in a 1948 massacre of Palestinian civilians has called on Israelis to "erase the memory of... families, mothers and children".
Ezra Yachin, 95, is one of more than 300,000 army reservists mobilised by Israel since war broke out with Hamas in Gaza a week ago.
Yachin won't be involved in combat but instead will serve to "motivate" soldiers, according to recent reports.
"Be triumphant and finish them off and don’t leave anyone behind. Erase the memory of them," Yachin said while addressing Israeli troops this week, in a video that has since gone viral.
"Erase them, their families, mothers and children. These animals can no longer live."
He added that there was "no excuse", as Hezbollah "could send air strikes" and "Arabs here could attack us".
"Every Jew with a weapon should go out and kill them. If you have an Arab neighbour, don’t wait, go to his home and shoot him," Yachin said.
"We will witness things we've never dreamed of. Let them drop bombs on them and erase them," he added. "All of the prophecies sent by the prophets are about to occur."
Israel has killed at least 2,215 people in Gaza over the past week, according to the Palestinian health ministry. Of those killed, 724 are children and 458 are women.
Over the same period, Israeli troops have killed 54 people in the occupied West Bank.
The war erupted on 7 October after Hamas launched a surprise multi-front assault on Israel, firing thousands of rockets and sending fighters into Israeli territory across land, air, and sea. More than 1,300 Israelis have been killed and scores of soldiers and civilians taken captive back to Gaza.
Veteran involved in Deir Yassin massacre
Yachin was a member of the Lehi Zionist militia [TERRORIST ORGANIZATION], which carried out atrocities before the creation of the state of Israel in 1948.
He was involved in the Deir Yassin massacre on 9 April 1948, when Zionist militiamen belonging to the Lehi and Irgun groups went house to house, killing more than 100 people in the small Palestinian village near Jerusalem, despite having agreed to an earlier truce. Many of those killed were women, children, and the elderly.
The massacre, amongst other atrocities, led to the forced expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homeland in what would come to be known as the Nakba, or catastrophe.
In an interview to Jewish Press in 2020, Yachin said his Lehi unit was called upon to carry out an attack on Deir Yassin.
"The village was a terrorist hideout," he said. "Leftist historians claim that we ruthlessly, and with premeditation, slaughtered the inhabitants of the village, including women and children. That was not the case at all.
"It is true that women and youngsters were killed, but that was because they served as fighters."
At least 13,000 Palestinians were killed and hundreds of villages were destroyed to make way for the state of Israel in 1948.
Some 750,000 people were forcibly displaced from their homes, a figure that with their descendants now stands at around six million Palestinian refugees, most of whom live in neighbouring countries.
Palestinians in Gaza have warned that plans to open a human corridor and resettle civilians in Egypt's Sinai region would be akin to a "second Nakba".
Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage for the latest on the Israel-Palestine war
Israeli veteran war criminal, 95, rallies troops to 'erase' Palestinian children | 2023oct14
Video 2 Minutes | MiddleEastEye
The Israeli military recorded themselves exploding more than 50 buildings in the Shujaiya neighbourhood in the Gaza Strip.
Cries of Palestinians can be heard as the Israeli military cheers on.
Video 2 Minutes | MiddleEastEye
Shujaiya attack in 2014 left at least 72 dead
The 2014 "Mowing of the Lawn" may be a distant memory for most people outside of region. But as Sarah Balter explains, the loss remains a constant reality for survivors.
Jul 7, 2018 | TRT World 3 minutes
Remembering Deir Yassin massacre
TRT World | Video 3 minutes
Remembering the 1948 Deir Yassin Massacre 76 years on
Al Mayadeen English | Video 3min 30sec
On April 9, 1948, the small Palestinian village of Deir Yassin just outside Jerusalem was attacked by Zionist militia, and 100 unarmed civilians massacred. With powerful archive footage from the siege itself, we relive the terror which has inspired Palestinian suicide attacks ever since.
Journeyman Pictures | Video 19 min
#7 NETANYAHU Retro. Making Case in front of Congress for U.S. Invasion of Iraq without Imminent Threat from Iraq
11 Sep 2002: Bibi Netenyahu makes case for "regime change," preemptive war, and violating rule of law when No Imminent Threat exists and No Factual basis exists--Where Might Makes Right
Key arguments to consider
Marked up Version of Transcript of 09 September 2002 hearing on possible INVASION PLANS FOR IRAQ--AN ISRAELI PERSPECTIVE
Key arguments for Hamas to consider:
Hamas walked right into a trap set by Bibi, and performed exactly, if not better than expected in terms of war crimes committed against civilians.
Bibi planned for a Hamas invasion by doing nothing to defend civilians or military personnel, but instead planned for a full-scale invasion and a propaganda war necessary to buy time from the USA and the West sufficient to destroy Gaza, leave it ruins, kill or murder all Hamas members, and expel or exterminate all women, children, and elderly per usual and men as well.
Bibi seeks to eliminate the Palestinian people just as Saddam sought to eliminate the Kurdish people through his policy of "Arabization." Hitler did the same thing in Germany with his policy of Arynization of Germany.
Bibi achieved his goal with 9/11 providing a justification not for disarming Iraq, but for "regime change" which is in practice destruction of the administrative capacity of the state (de-Baathification) and genocide-lite through the unleashing of war, sectarian violence, and suffering on the entire population of Iraq. Stalin/Hitler used a more direct approach of extermination camps for destroying the states forming the Pale of Settlement. In order to destroy these Slavic states, Hitler believed it necessary to destroy the Jews living there who supported the state and who would resist the demands of Nazi-totalitarianism and Collectivist- totalitarianism.
Genocide Joe Biden is clueless about Bibi's real intentions. For example, he tells Bibi to learn the lessons from America's over-reach post-9/11. However for Bibi, America's war in Iraq was a triumph because the United States destroyed the Iraqi state, which was a victory for Bibi who seeks to destroy all Arab power. Hence he is against the Arab Spring and supports dictators like Saudi Arabia's MBS, Orban in Hungary, Putin in Russia. For the Zionist, Democracy at home and abroad is a threat to the Zionist 'master race'
Best way to end bombing and topple bibi is release hostages
Why -Bibi doesn't want Hamas to release them
See Reaction of Israel spokesman ret Major General Giora Eiland---totally pissed off by release of hostages!!! He's indignant about Hamas releasing hostages unconditionally!
T
STATEMENT OF BENJAMIN NETANYAHU, FORMER PRIME MINISTER OF ISRAEL
Thank you, Chairman Burton. It is a pleasure being with all of you, and I appreciate the thoughtful remarks and thoughtful questions from all of you distinguished Representatives. I will try to address your questions in the course of my opening remarks and in the question and answer session that will follow it, because I think they are valid and important, all of them, and I think the world needs this discussion and other discussions that will be taking place in this capital of liberty.
Last year, a few days after September 11th, I was given the privilege of appearing before this committee to discuss the issue of terrorism. But I have to tell you that had I been given the opportunity to speak before September 11th, I believe I would have offered pretty much the same suggestions about how the war on terrorism should be fought and how it can be won.
What I would have pointed out is that the key to defeating terrorism lies in deterring and destroying the regimes that harbor, abet, and aid terror.
CASE FOR DESTROYING 'NETWORK' & WMD Profileration
I would have argued that to root out terror, the entire network of terror--that is, the network that consists of some half a dozen terrorism regimes and two dozen terror organizations affiliated with them--that this entire terror network had to be brought down. And most important, I would have warned that the greatest danger facing our world is the ominous possibility that any part of this terror network would acquire nuclear weapons.
Now, I have to be candid and say that even had I presented my views in the most coherent and persuasive fashion, I have no doubt that some of you, and perhaps most you, would have regarded them as exaggerated and even alarmist. But then came September 11th and fiction turned into fact and the unimaginable became real.
That single day of horror alerted most Americans to the grave dangers that are now facing our world. And many Americans understand today that, had al Qaeda possessed nuclear weapons last September, that the city of New York would not exist today. And they realize that we could all have spent yesterday grieving not for thousands of dead, but for millions.
But for others around the world, I suppose the power of imagination is not so acute. It appears that some people will have to once again see the unimaginable in front of their eyes before they are willing to do what must be done, because how else can one explain the violent opposition, the insistent opposition to President Bush's plan to dismantle Saddam Hussein's regime?
Now, I do not mean to suggest for a moment that the questions raised here and other questions are not relevant; that is, that there are not legitimate questions about a potential operation against Iraq. Indeed there are. But the question of whether removing Saddam's regime is itself legitimate is not one of them. And equally immaterial in my mind is the argument that America cannot oust Saddam without prior approval of the international community because this is a ruler who is rapidly expanding his arsenal of biological and chemical weapons. This is a dictator who has used these weapons of mass destruction against his subjects and his neighbors and this is a tyrant who is feverishly trying to acquire nuclear weapons.
CASE for Preemptive Attack on Weapons facilities that may pose FUTURE risk, but NO Imminent Risk
The dangers posed by a nuclear-armed Saddam is understood by my country. Two decades ago, well before September 11th, in 1981, Menachem Begin dispatched the Israeli Air Force on a predawn raid that destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak. This probably took place months away from Saddam's ability to assemble the critical mass of plutonium for the first atomic bomb, or more than one.
Now, at the time, Israel was condemned by all the world's governments, even the government of our closest friend, the United States. But I think that over time, history has rendered a far kinder judgment on that act of unquestionable foresight and unmistakable courage.
And I believe that it is history's judgment that should inform our own judgment today. Did Israel launch that preemptive strike because Saddam had committed a specific act of terror against us? Did we accord our actions with the international? Did we condition this operation on the approval of the United Nations? No, of course not. Israel acted because we understood that a nuclear-armed Saddam would place our very survival at risk.
And today the United States must destroy the same regime because a nuclear-armed Saddam will place the security of our entire world at risk. And make no mistake about it, if and once Saddam has nuclear weapons, the terror network will have nuclear weapons. And once the terror network has nuclear weapons, it is only a matter of time before those weapons will be used.
You cannot prevent a dictator who has used terrorism in the past, who cavorts and supports and encourages terror organizations, from using this weapon by giving it to someone, by having them threaten to use it against his enemies. Once one of the terror regimes, once one of the principal regimes in the terror network has nuclear weapons, you cannot prevent the terror network from having nuclear weapons.
CASE FOR 'REGIME CHANGE' b/c inspections not enough
Two decades ago, it was possible to thwart Saddam's nuclear ambitions by bombing a single installation. But today, nothing less than dismantling his regime will do, because Saddam's nuclear program has fundamentally changed in those two decades. He no longer needs one large reactor to produce the deadly material necessary for atomic bombs. He can produce it in centrifuges the size of washing machines that can be hidden throughout the country. And I want to remind you that Iraq is a very big country. It is not the size of Monte Carlo. It is a big country.
And I believe that even free and unfettered inspections will not uncover these portable manufacturing sites of mass death. So knowing this, I ask all the governments and others who oppose or question the President's plan to look at it from the other end of the logic: Do you believe that action can be taken against Saddam only after he builds nuclear bombs and uses them? And do the various critics, especially overseas, believe that a clear connection between Saddam and September 11th must be established before we have a right to prevent the next September 11th?
I think not.
I will try to give an analogy. All analogies are imperfect, but here is one. If you try to defeat the Mafia, you do not just go after the foot soldiers who carried out the last attack, or even stop with the apprehension of the particular Don who sent them; you go after the entire network of organized crime, all the families, all the organizations, all of them.
Well, likewise, if you intend to defeat terror, you do not just go after the terrorists who carried out the last attack or even the particular regime that sent them; you go after the entire network of terror, all the regimes that support terror, all the organizations that they harbor. All of them.
PREEMPTION
And doing this always entails the need to act before additional attacks are carried out. When the security of a nation is endangered, a responsible government has to take the actions that are necessary to protect its citizens and eliminate the threat that confronts them. And sometimes this requires preemption.
I have to say that in the history of democracies, preemption has been, in my mind, the most difficult choice for leaders to make because at time of the decision, you could never prove the critics wrong. You could never show them the great catastrophe that was avoided by preemptive action. And yet we now know that had the democracies taken preemptive action to bring down Hitler in the 1930's, the worst horrors in history could have been avoided. And we now know--and we know this from defectors and from other intelligence--that had Israel not launched its preemptive strike on Saddam's atomic bomb factory, recent history would have taken a turn to catastrophe.
But the most compelling case for preemption against Saddam's regime I believe was not made by the President's powerful words this morning, but by the savage action of the terrorists themselves on September 11th. Their wakeup call from hell has opened our eyes to the horrors that await us all tomorrow if we fail to act today.
Now, I was asked by one of you about the sentiment of Israelis in the face of the palpable risks involved. My friends, I want to say that I am here today as a citizen of a country that is most endangered by a preemptive strike. For it is I think clear that in the last gasps of Saddam's dying regime, he will attempt to launch his remaining missiles, his remaining payloads, including biological and chemical payloads, at the Jewish state. And though I am speaking here today as a private citizen, I believe and I know that I speak and reflect the sentiment of not just the majority, but the overwhelming majority of Israelis in supporting a preemptive strike against Saddam's regime, and this cuts across political lines in Israel. We support this preemptive American action even though we stand on the front lines, while others criticize it as they sit comfortably on the sidelines. But we know that their sense of comfort is an illusion, for if action is not taken now, we will all be threatened by a much greater peril.
We support this action because it is possible today to defend against chemical and biological attacks. We have gas masks that are available. We have vaccinations. They are available. There are other means of civil defense that can protect our citizens and reduce the risk to them.
And indeed, a central component of any strike on Iraq must be to ensure that the Israeli Government, if it so chooses, has the means to vaccinate every citizen of Israel before action is initiated. And I want to stress that ensuring this is not merely the responsibility of the Government of Israel but also the responsibility of the Government of the United States.
Let me repeat this: The Government of Israel and the Government of the United States must jointly ensure that the people of Israel have all the available means of civil defense before action begins.
But equally I can say that no gas mask and no vaccine can protect against nuclear weapons. Science has not yet invented such a device. And this is why regimes that have no compunction about using weapons of mass destruction and will not hesitate to give these weapons to their terror proxies must never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. These regimes must be brought down before they possess the power to bring us all down.
If a preemptive action would be supported by a broad coalition of free countries--and if it is the United Nations, all the better--but if such support is not forthcoming, then the United States must be prepared to act without it. International support for actions that are vital to a Nation's security is always desirable, but it must never constitute a precondition. If you can get it, fine. If not, act without it.
I don't want to sound like something familiar to you, but I would say, if you can't get it, just do it.
Now, my friends, under exceptional circumstances, public figures may sometimes be forgiven for quoting themselves, and I hope today that you will indulge me and grant me this privilege, because nearly two decades ago I wrote the following. I said that:
The West can win the war against terrorism. It can expose its duplicity and punish its perpetrators and its sponsors. But it must first win the war against its own inner weakness, and that will require courage. We shall need at least three types of courage.
First, statesmen must have the political courage to present the truth, however unpleasant, to their people. They must be prepared to make difficult decisions, to take measures that may involve great risks and subject them to public criticism.
Second, the soldiers who will be called upon to combat terrorists will need to show military courage.
Third, the people will have to show civic courage. The citizens of a democracy threatened by terrorists must see themselves in a certain sense as soldiers in a common battle. They must not pressure their government to capitulate or surrender to terrorism. If we seriously want to win the war against terrorism, people must be willing to endure sacrifice and even if there is the loss of loved ones, immeasurable pain. Terrorism is a phenomenon which tries to invoke one feeling: fear. It is therefore understandable that the one virtue necessary to defeat terrorism is the antithesis of fear: courage.
Courage, said the Romans, is not the only virtue, but it is the single virtue without which all other virtues are meaningless. The terrorist challenge must be answered. The choice is between a free society based on law and compassion and barbarism in the service of brute force and tyranny. Confusion and vacillation facilitated the rise of terrorism. Clarity and courage will ensure its defeat.
My friends, though I wrote these words almost 20 years ago, they were never as pertinent, I think, as they are today. A year after September 11th, I am certain that this great Nation possesses the three types of courage needed to defeat the monstrous evil that now confronts us. President Bush has shown courage by boldly charting a court to victory. The American military is once again prepared to shoulder the burden of defeating the enemies of freedom. And most of all, the American people have shouldered the courage to fight back and win.
For me that courage was most pointedly manifested last year on Flight 93, because right there in the eye of the storm, ordinary citizens displayed extraordinary heroism and rose to thwart the murderous designs of the terrorists. They thereby saved an unknown number of lives, including perhaps the lives of some people in this very room.
It is, I believe, that same civic courage that has been displayed this past year and the willingness of Americans to rally behind their government to wage war on terror. I recognize this courage, ladies and gentlemen, because I see it on the faces of my countrymen every day. Every day, millions of Israelis who have been subjected to an unprecedented campaign of terror have stood--and stand--firmly behind our government in the war against Palestinian terror. We have not crumbled. We have not run. We have stood our ground and fought back.
You see, the terrorists and the tyrants of the world, they always get it wrong. They were wrong about Churchill's England. They are woefully wrong about Israel. And they are wrong, dead wrong, about America.
I think they simply do not have the means to understand the power of freedom. They think that by bombing our free societies we will collapse. They see our free debate as debilitating. They would see a hearing of this kind, the questions that are raised here, as a sign of weakness. They don't understand it is a sign of enormous strength. They think our open discourse is a sign of that weakness.
They believe that their cult of death is stronger than our love of life. But of course they are wrong. There is nothing stronger than the will of a free people united to protect its life and its liberty. And now it is up to us to prove the terrorists and the tyrants wrong once again.
I am not saying it will be easy, and it certainly will demand some sacrifice, but it must be done today because tomorrow's sacrifice will be infinitely greater. Sixty years ago Winston Churchill put it this way: ``if you will not fight terror when your victory will be sure and not too costly,'' he said, ``you may come to the moment when you will have to fight with all the odds against you. There may even be a worst case. You may have to fight when there is no hope of victory.''
My friends, this is the heart of the fact. What I said before this committee 1 year ago holds true today. Today the terrorists have the power--or rather have the will to destroy us, but not the power. Today we have the power to destroy them. Now we must summon the will to do so.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, thank you all.
EXCERPTS from Question and answers
I think the removal of the dangers--I don't think you can rely on deterrence when it comes to most of the terror network. I think this is what distinguished it from, say, the Communists. You know, the Communists, you could deter them. It was very easy. They were very rational. I don't think they were pursuing any rational goal, but they pursued it rationally. Any time they had to choose between their ideology and their survival, they chose their survival. They backed up--Berlin, whatever, Cuba.
CLAIM: 'ISLAMIC TERRORISTS' are IRRATIONAL (Kantian like the Jews were 'irrational' to the Nazis)
The ability of Islam is that you cannot rely on that they will make that decision, because they will go down with the ship.
They have no compunction of killing people on this side of the aisle but also quite a few of their own.
You never heard of a Communist suicide bomber, but militant Islam produces hordes of them.
So when you have a regime system that is not susceptible to deterrence, you have no choice but to take it out.
But what does ``taking it out'' mean? It means--and this is, I think, my answer to you, Congressman Shays. It means that you cannot just have regime removal. You really have to have regime change in the fundamental meaning of that word. You really have to start changing the mentality, the poison, toxified mentality that these regimes have put into the minds of millions, hundreds of millions, and that is the real task, the great challenge. Now, if you don't, then it is a question of time where you will have suitcase devices of mass death. You can have biological devices, you can have nuclear devices. It is just a question of time.
So the ultimate protection--and I come back to the example of Germany. The ultimate protection that you won't have it, that you won't have a new Hitlerism, is the ventilation of German society by democracy. The long-term protection--and it is not foolproof, but we have to try--is, once the regimes are ousted, it is to begin the process of democratization in these places which harbor this militancy today.
Mr. Shays. Let me just ask in one other area here, and it does strike me that, based on your testimony, that preemption is required somewhere, but if you have a preemptive strike in one place, it may not--it may result in not needing a preemptive strike elsewhere.
But I want to ask you about Abu Nidal in Baghdad. I am struck by the fact that, in a sense, Saddam was trying to destroy the evidence. I mean, he is one of the most vicious terrorists, and I am struck by the fact that Osama bin Laden, what he did was he united terrorists. There wasn't just one type of terrorist from one country in Afghanistan. He brought them all together. There was a network. I am just interested to know your feeling about that so-called suicide. Is it possible that Saddam was basically trying to destroy any evidence? That, somehow, he is protecting terrorists and giving us then legitimacy in going in?
Mr. Netanyahu. It is possible, but I can't tell you about that specific case. But I can tell you that the terrorists and the terror regimes, they are all--they are all connected, sometimes loosely, sometimes tightly. For example, you know that Osama bin Laden, first of all, enjoyed a domicile in Afghanistan. Actually, they moved from the Sudan to Afghanistan. He has to have a place. Once he had that place, he moved from there, for example, to Lebanon where he had meetings with Hezbollah who were tied in with Palestinian terrorists. So bin Laden was trying to penetrate our area as well as through Hezbollah, other areas.
Mr. Shays. So the key point is he had a network and he was kind of the president.
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes, but the key point is this. I don't care how many networks he has. If he doesn't have regimes that give him an inviolable place where he doesn't have to run and hide all the time, his effectiveness goes down the tubes very fast. That is the key thing. If you take away the sovereign states, you bring down--you just bring down this whole structure of international terrorism.
But what you don't know is you cannot prevent the reemergence of this madness 20 years or 30 years or 15 years from now. The only way you can do that is by making sure that when you bring down the regime, instead of replacing one dictator with another, you begin a different process that is distinguished around the world everywhere, except up there, everywhere you have democracy sweeping the world, everywhere you have the United States pressing for democratization.
It has been a spectacular success. I mean, the whole world is democratized. You have democratized Latin America, and if anyone veers there, you go down gangsters on them. Russia is democratized. You are seeking human rights and democratization in China, South Africa, Mongolia, Albania. Everybody is democratizing, except this one area. This one area remains, and it is a big one, with these poisonous regimes in there, remains untouched. And in the gurgly caldron of this mad zealotry are brewing the new bin Ladens, the new suicide bombers from the Arafats and the Talibans and the bin Ladens of this world.
You can't leave it that way. You can't just go into the caldron, pick up the Taliban and throw him out and get a new one. You have to turn over the pot. You have to do something else. You have to start a different process.
Mr. Shays. Thank you.
Mr. Burton. Thank you, Mr. Shays.
Mr. Waxman.
Mr. Waxman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Prime Minister, we have known each other for many years; and I have always held you in the highest regard and with great respect and admired your eloquence and with none more so than on the two occasions you appeared before this committee--today and then right after September 11th. And at your last appearance, you articulated the empathy and the solidarity with the United States as a fellow victim of terrorism, because Israel has been suffering from terrorist attacks before September 11th and even more since September 11th.
So the United States and Israel share not only that, but the reason we share that is we share values of democracy, of pluralism, of respect for individual rights, and so your enemies are our enemies and our enemies are also your enemies.
Today we are talking about Saddam Hussein not just here, but the President of the United States before the United Nations. And he has said to the United Nations, as an international body, isn't it their obligation, he has said, to enforce the rules and resolutions that they have adopted that have been flaunted by Saddam Hussein? Now, I certainly hope that the United Nations wouldn't hobble themselves and live up to the responsibility that they have to insist--in fact, demand--that Saddam Hussein open up his country to full, unfettered inspections and end any kind of weapons that he might have.
The question I want to ask you is, is there a value as you see it from an Israeli perspective for the U.N. to act in concert with the United States in going against Saddam Hussein, one, to stop what he is doing to develop these weapons? And, second, should there have to be a military action to rebuild Iraq after Saddam Hussein?
Mr. Netanyahu. Congressman Waxman, there would be much value if you could rely on it. I don't want to pull rank, but I spent 4 years in the U.N. and a hell of a lot of time on the Security Council, and I cannot tell you that this is necessarily a bastion of responsibility. On occasion, not very frequent, the U.N. does the right thing, but on many occasions, it does the wrong thing. This is an organization that branded Zionism as racism. You know, it is what Abba Eban once said, that, you know, that if the Arab countries put before the U.N. a resolution that the earth is flat, it will be passed by the U.N. That problem of inconsistency is what plagues this issue.
Now you have a question, I think a different question: Is it desirable to get U.N. support? The answer is, absolutely yes. The question I put forward is, is it a precondition for such action? Suppose you try, you give it some time, it doesn't happen. What do you do then?
Now, there are two ways of trying. One is you talk to them. They either do it or they do not do it. The other is you actually try to press forward a resolution and somebody, one of the permanent members, vetoes it and maybe passes another resolution. So now you may be actually working against a failed resolution or even an antagonistic resolution of the U.N. Well, an antagonistic resolution, one of those you could always block at the Security Council, but a failed resolution is different.
Mr. Waxman. I want to certainly say that if the United Nations doesn't live up to its responsibilities, that shouldn't preclude the United States from living up to its responsibilities.
Mr. Netanyahu. I fully agree with you.
Mr. Waxman. Let me ask you another question that has been talked about, this doctrine of preemptive action.
Some people have said preemptive action is appropriate if there is an imminent threat, but the President today said of the United States that he is worried about the gathering danger. He didn't say an imminent threat, but the gathering danger.
Now, how do we decide when preemptive action is appropriate? Saddam Hussein is working on weapons of mass destruction. So is Iran. Syria is much more active in helping Hezbollah and Hamas as part of the terrorist network. Do we follow this doctrine of preemptive action beyond Saddam Hussein? Do all of these countries merit preemptive action by us, and how do we distinguish?
Mr. Netanyahu. Probably not. Not because they don't merit it in moral terms, but because you wouldn't need it. I think the first question you ask is, how limited is it? Do you want to wait and find out? The answer is no. You had what I called here the wake-up call from hell, but you don't have to wait until hell rushes you and meets you in the face. It already has, in effect. So on the question of time, I think the sooner, the better.
But now the question is, when you choose a target, I think Iraq brings two things, a confluence of two things. One, it is sufficiently important in this network to have a tremendous effect. If it collapses, it will have a beneficial seismic effect, quite the contrary of what is being described. And the second thing is that it happens to be one of the two and now, as we have learned, one of the three regimes that is racing to build nuclear weapons. So you get two birds with one stone. You knock out a main developer of nuclear arms in the tyranny work and you also send reverberations across the network.
So if I had to choose, yes, I would choose that. Is Iran less dangerous? No. Is it more dangerous? Maybe. Certainly not less dangerous. But would I counsel necessarily a preemptive strike to Iran? I am not sure. I would be very careful about that. I think that there is a great deal of possibility of internal processes of change in Iran that simply do not exist in Saddam Hussein.
Do you remember that at the end of the Gulf war there was an assumption within certain corners of the American government that having been dealt this blow, without regime change, without bringing him down, that there would be an internal revolt, so to speak, in Iraq? But this was wishful thinking, because Iraq simply--it is a police state without any ability to foment the kind of process that occurred in fact in Iran and the downfall of the Shah.
Iran has that ability and, therefore, you shouldn't apply force--I will say this: You shouldn't apply force indiscriminately, and certainly for the application of force, against Palestinian terrorism, against Iraq and so on, but I think that force should be applied judiciously. That is, it should be applied with great resolution, with great force, but at that part of the front, so to speak, where you will get maximum effect; and I think this is the case with Iraq. This is why the relevant question is not whether the others merit punishment but where the application of force will do the most good, and that is what I think we are discussing here.
Mr. Lantos. My colleagues have raised many of the issues that I wanted to raise, but I would like to go at them in a somewhat different way, so if you will bear with me, and I will be happy with whatever length of response you give me.
Much of this debate in Europe, the United Nations and, to some extent, in this country about Saddam Hussein has the quality of people discussing the merits of an abstract painting. You like it, I don't like it, this is what I like, this is what I don't like about it. I find this extremely disturbing because, obviously, with vis-a-vis Saddam Hussein, we are looking at a record, his historic record, which there is no point repeating, because we are all aware of it: what he did to his own people, what he did in the beginning of the war against Iran in which hundreds of thousands on both sides died, the gassing of his own people, the attack on Kuwait, the attempted assassination of our own former President, the list is long.
But every one of us in this body, every one of us in the public arena who deal with foreign affairs also brings a record.
Now, I was intrigued by your discussion with Mr. Shays concerning preemption; and I am delighted to tell my good friend who joined this body many years after I did that when your air force took out the Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak the following day I gave a floor speech in the Congress commending that action. Because it was self-evident that, without preemption, Iraq would have proceeded with a program of developing nuclear weapons, and the Persian Gulf war could have turned out quite differently, because the civilized world could well have faced a nuclear-equipped Iraq and might not have been willing to undertake a war against a nuclear-equipped Iraq.
So it seems to me that the President's speech today at the United Nations--and I don't know if you have had a chance to see it or read it--was right on target, and I think the enemies of the United States would be well-advised to understand that there is enormous bipartisan support for the President's position vis-a-vis Iraq. And when the President comes before us within the next few weeks or months with a proposal to obtain congressional approval, while he is unlikely to get the almost unanimous approval that he got against the war on terrorism a year ago--my friend and colleague Henry Hyde and I sat in the manager's chair for 9\1/2\ hours because everybody wanted to speak on this issue. We had one negative vote. We are likely to have more negative votes than one--but there is little doubt in my mind that there will be overwhelming bipartisan, bicameral approval when the proposal comes before us.
Now, one of the many criticisms of the concept of preemption stems from our rather naive historic imagery of chivalry as part and parcel of military activities. Some people still feel that chivalry is not dead, that Saddam Hussein will act according to the appropriate rules and procedures, and it is so self-evident to even the most superficial observer of recent history that it is only his capability or lack of it which prevents him from striking out with whatever force he has. So the notion of preemption is not just an option, it is mandated by the nature of this new enemy. This is a new kind of enemy, and to apply the rules of 17th century chivalry to the regime of Saddam Hussein to me appears to be absurd.
I would like to ask you to comment, if you would, about the public views and private views of many Arab leaders that has been commented on in the media, but perhaps those of us who occasionally or frequently meet with Arab leaders are personally exposed to this profound dichotomy, a totally different private view of a possible strike against Iraq and an utterly divergent public view.
First of all, do you agree that is, in fact, what is happening, that many of the Arab leaders are really telling totally different stories in private and in public? In private, they are saying, go to it, we can hardly wait to get rid of him, we will be supportive in whatever way we can, but publicly denouncing this possible action.
The second thing I would be grateful if you could comment on is a chronological question. Some of the opponents of regime change in Iraq argue that it may not be too difficult to change the regime in Iraq in a military sense, not a cake walk but not overwhelmingly difficult, but that what comes after it we have no idea about, and how long we may have to stay there, nobody knows. I am puzzled by these objections, because when North Korea attacked South Korea and almost took over the whole country, the South Koreans were able to maintain a small perimeter around this port city of Pusan, and now we are back to the 30th parallel. We have been there for almost a half a century.
The question to be asked is, would we prefer a Communist North Korea regime-controlled Korean peninsula to this very long-term commitment that we had to make? It is costly, it is cumbersome, we don't like it, but it seems to me that it is infinitely preferable to have at least half of the peninsula today free and open and democratic and pro-western than to have the regime in the north run this whole Korean peninsula.
My view is that whether we are talking about the cold war, which lasted two generations, our military involvement in Korea, which is now into its third generation, and long-term, rational commitments of our resources, preferable to accepting extreme fanatical, irrational regimes, developing weapons of mass destruction as the alternative?
Mr. Netanyahu. The answer to your second question is clearly that I agree with you. I think--imagine--we know what is happening in that half of the Korean peninsula, because this regime that is at a starvation level, probably the lowest GDP per capita on earth, is busy developing nuclear weapons and missiles and then exporting it to the other terror regimes. So there is something developing, Congressman Lantos, which I think is certainly developed in my thinking.
Kant
I am a Kantian, as you can see by my references to Kant, and Kant basically said 200 years ago that the way to secure world peace--in his great essay that he wrote, Perpetual Peace, he said the only way to do it is to distinguish between democracies and dictatorships. Understand that whereas democracies tend toward peace because they reflect the will of the majority, dictatorships tend toward war, because a dictator gets to be a dictator by practicing aggression toward his own people, so he will do it to others, too.
Kant said basically that the only way you could have peace with dictatorships--he said peace with democracy is automatic and self-sustaining, but peace with dictatorships can be purchased, he said, by deterrence, deterrence not by the United Nations, but what he called the League of Free Nations, which means the democracies banding together to deter aggression or roll it back if deterrence failed, which is essentially NATO.
What didn't happen opposite Germany happened vis-a-vis a far greater dictatorship of a much more powerful dictatorship of Soviet Russia and it worked, a cold peace. We called it the cold war, but it was a cold peace, a peace of deterrence.
I have come to the conclusion that, faced with these types of regimes who may be undeterable, there really is, in the long run, only one kind of peace; that is the peace of democracies or, if you will, the peace of democratization. Because if you have these territories in which madness rules, in which they develop botulisms that they will put in Manhattan or Washington or suitcase nuclear devices that will detonate in the cities of the West, that you not only have to preempt and oust these regimes but you really have to begin this process of democratization.
So I think Kant was right for 2 centuries, but I think in the 21st century we may have to go back to a democratic peace, period.
I think this relates to your question, are we willing to pay the price? Well, I think freedom has its price, and our security has its price. I tend to think that the American people--I tend to agree with you from my visits to the United States and even my talk in the corridors of Congress, I think there is a solid majority who understand that action must be taken, sometimes with a shorter time horizon, sometimes with a longer time horizon, both going back and going forward on the need to secure our world. But I think that, yes, you have to pay the price for freedom.
On the question of the private and public opinions of Arab leaders, it is well-known that not only on this issue but on many issues there is a divergence, simply because there isn't pluralism in Arab public political life. There is a party line that is enhanced and enforced by a collection of dictatorships, usually, and so people don't deviate from it.
The chairman did want some questions about Saudi Arabia. It has never come up in any dialog. I don't think you brought it up, and I am curious why it has not kind of shown.
Mr. Netanyahu. I thought I was talking about Saudi Arabia all the time, Mr. Shays. I think that Saudi Arabia is one of those cases of a regime that at once has fueled terrorism and at the same time has espoused a relationship with the United States. It has fueled terrorism by funding terrorists, including al Qaeda received a lot of Saudi money in the early nineties. But it is now fueling Palestinian terrorism by offering a graduated remuneration system for suicide bombers. Saudis pay the families. That is as big as stimulus as you can--incentive for the suicide bombing. The disincentive is that the family is actually worse off. And if you had an incentive that the family benefits from Saudi money, you are actually stimulating terrorism.
So Saudi Arabia has been doing that, and it has also been unfortunately fomenting inside Saudi Arabia and outside Saudi Arabia, the Wahhabist creed that is I think a particularly insidious form of militant Islam. At the same time, Saudi Arabia, at least on the diplomatic level, claims to be a friend of the United States. I think the way to handle that is to say to the Saudis something that President Bush had outlined in one of his speeches. He said, ``All nations will have to choose. You are either with us or against us in this battle.'' And I think the Saudis should be held accountable to that. I think they should be pressed as forcefully as possible to cease and desist those things that promote militancy and terror, and I think you should hold them to it.
Mr. Shays. Is it your view that the Hamas and the Hezbollah on occasion work together?
Mr. Netanyahu. That the Hamas and Hezbollah--absolutely. We know they cooperate.
Mr. Shays. Funded primarily by the Iranians and Syrians?
Mr. Netanyahu. Funded by Iran, the Hezbollah is operating with the compliance of Syria on Syrian-controlled soil in Lebanon. Syria also enables Iran to land planes in Damascus airport, stockpiled with rockets, rockets aimed at our cities, and other weaponry to go through Syrian territory and Syrian- controlled territory in Lebanon to reach the Hezbollah.
Hezbollah is a perfect example of the terrorist network. You have two terrorist regimes cooperating with one another, fielding a third terror organization that has links to about, oh, about a dozen directly--links to about a dozen of the two dozen or so terror organizations. Direct links, so everybody is connected in concentric circles.
Mr. Shays. If you could sort this out for me, though, I was trying to allude to it at the end when my time was really running out. I thought--not to put a nice word next to horrific people--but I gave the al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden credit for doing something that has not happened in the past, and that is basically to unite a world organization of terrorism, schooled at the university in Afghanistan. But whether they were from Indonesia, Malaysia, they train in Kosovo, in Chechnya, that come back--what I am struck with is that it strikes me that-- there is really no good terrorist--that they interact. That if a nation like Iraq is having Abu Nidal as a resident, protected, that is a very strong case for the fact that this is in fact a terrorist nation interacting with the rest of the world in this fight against the West.
And I guess I would like you to tell me why we cannot hold accountable the people that Saddam Hussein houses and allows to live in his country, why we can't make the very strong claim that he is a part of al Qaeda and the whole organizational process.
Mr. Netanyahu. Well, he provides safe haven to Abu Nidal and others who practice terrorism. And without safe haven, there is no terrorism. Syria does the same. There are more than a dozen terrorist groups that have official addresses in Damascus. It is the same system. And I think that obviously right now he is very careful. He would be very careful right now. He is under the gun. He understands that his days appear to be numbered, so he will make all the noises and he will make all the gestures to say that he is abandoning it and finished with it and so on; all the while trying in his basement, the basement of his 50 palaces, to develop the bomb. If he gets away with that, then he will treat you and us and everyone very differently.
By the way, I should say that within the constituent parts of the terror networks, both the regimes and the organizations, there is cooperation and harmony but there is also competition. Everyone wants to be the king of the militant Islamic heap. They all want to be on the top. The new Saladins or the new Nassers. And Osama bin Laden wants to be the ultimate grand maestro of terrorism. And I must say that he has capabilities, unfortunately, or has talents that put him close to the top. They all want to be the linchpins, they all want to be the crucial one that connects, unites, and commands all the rest. But effectively what they do is cooperate with one another.
And unless you dismantle this system in its entirety--if you leave any part of it intact it will grow, it will grow back. It is like a malignant growth. You have to get rid of the system. And I think we are getting close to getting rid of the system.
Mr. Shays. We are about to adjourn. Is there anything else that you want to put on this Congressional Record?
Mr. Netanyahu. I want to thank you and Mr. Shays and Congressman Burton and, first of all, thank Congressman Lantos for the degree of his patience and also for all of your discerning comments. I think that today was another expression of the strength of this country and the strength of democracy. Nations, democracies, do not go to war easily and they usually debate and argue before they do.
Sometimes they have to be bombed into going to war. In fact, that is what happened in World War II. All of Europe had been conquered. America was actually bombed in Pearl Harbor and was--and that was a pivotal event that opened the eyes of Americans, and once their eyes were opened they gathered the power that is available in this great free Nation, and the result was preordained. [bullsh
I think in a similar way, the bombing of September 11th opened the eyes of Americans to see the great conflict and the great dirge that face us; and once opened, and the overpowering will of the majority of the people of the United States, of the steamroller that is inexorably moving to decide this battle.
I think this was called by Congressman Lantos ``the hinge of history,'' and it is exactly that. It is the hinge of history. And 1 year later, I can come in and say that history is moving in the right direction. That had America not woken up, had America not mobilized his action, had it not--if it had not had the courageous leadership of President Bush, then I would not be able to say that I am confident today.
From <https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-107hhrg83514/html/CHRG-107hhrg83514.htm>
11 Sep 2002: Bibi Netenyahu - Full text of Hearing (Israeli Makes Case for U.S. Invasion of Iraq)
Key arguments to consider
Marked up Version of Transcript of 09 September 2002 hearing on possible INVASION PLANS FOR IRAQ--AN ISRAELI PERSPECTIVE
Key arguments for Hamas to consider:
Hamas walked right into a trap set by Bibi, and performed exactly, if not better than expected in terms of war crimes committed against civilians.
Bibi planned for a Hamas invasion by doing nothing to defend civilians or military personnel, but instead planned for a full-scale invasion and a propaganda war necessary to buy time from the USA and the West sufficient to destroy Gaza, leave it ruins, kill or murder all Hamas members, and expel or exterminate all women, children, and elderly per usual and men as well.
Bibi seeks to eliminate the Palestinian people just as Saddam sought to eliminate the Kurdish people through his policy of "Arabization." Hitler did the same thing in Germany with his policy of Arynization of Germany.
Bibi achieved his goal with 9/11 providing a justification not for disarming Iraq, but for "regime change" which is in practice destruction of the administrative capacity of the state (de-Baathification) and genocide-lite through the unleashing of war, sectarian violence, and suffering on the entire population of Iraq. Stalin/Hitler used a more direct approach of extermination camps for destroying the states forming the Pale of Settlement. In order to destroy these Slavic states, Hitler believed it necessary to destroy the Jews living there who supported the state and who would resist the demands of Nazi-totalitarianism and Collectivist- totalitarianism.
Genocide Joe Biden is clueless about Bibi's real intentions. For example, he tells Bibi to learn the lessons from America's over-reach post-9/11. However for Bibi, America's war in Iraq was a triumph because the United States destroyed the Iraqi state, which was a victory for Bibi who seeks to destroy all Arab power. Hence he is against the Arab Spring and supports dictators like Saudi Arabia's MBS, Orban in Hungary, Putin in Russia. For the Zionist, Democracy at home and abroad is a threat to the Zionist 'master race'
Best way to end bombing and topple bibi is release hostages
Why -Bibi doesn't want Hamas to release them
See Reaction of Israel spokesman ret Major General Giora Eiland---totally pissed off by release of hostages!!! He's indignant about Hamas releasing hostages unconditionally!
September 12, 2002
VIDEO: Israeli Perspective on Conflict with Iraq (testimony before U.S. Congress)
Former Prime Minister Netanyahu testified about potential military action in Iraq. Among the topics he addressed were nuclear weapons development in Iraq, Iraqi support of terrorist networks, potential Israeli reaction to a preemptive strike against Iraq, and the potential use o chemical and biological weapons against Israel.
From <https://www.c-span.org/video/?172612-1/israeli-perspective-conflict-iraq>
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Full Transcript - see markups
[House Hearing, 107 Congress]
CONFLICT WITH IRAQ: AN ISRAELI PERSPECTIVE
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HEARING before the COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT REFORM HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
SEPTEMBER 12, 2002
Serial No. 107-139
CONFLICT WITH IRAQ: AN ISRAELI PERSPECTIVE
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 2002
House of Representatives,
Committee on Government Reform, Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:08 p.m., in room 2154, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Dan Burton (chairman of the committee) presiding.
Present: Representatives Burton, Barr, Morella, Shays, McHugh, Horn, Mica, Tom Davis of Virginia, LaTourette, Lewis, Platts, Weldon, Cannon, Waxman, Lantos, Norton, Kucinich, Davis of Illinois, Tierney, Turner, Clay, and Watson.
Staff present: Kevin Binger, staff director; James C. Wilson, chief counsel; David A. Kass, deputy chief counsel; Chad Bungard, Pablo Carrillo, and Jennifer Hall, counsels; S. Elizabeth Clay and Caroline Katzin, professional staff members; Blain Rethmeier, communications director; Allyson Blandford, assistant to chief counsel; Robert A. Briggs, chief clerk; Robin Butler, office manager; Joshua E. Gillespie, deputy chief clerk; Nicholis Mutton, deputy communications director; Corinne Zaccagnini, systems administrator; Phil Barnett, minority chief counsel; David Rapallo, minority counsel; Ellen Rayner, minority chief clerk; and Jean Gosa and Earley Green, minority assistant clerks.
Mr. Burton. Good afternoon. A quorum being present, the Committee on Government Reform will come to order. I ask unanimous consent that all Members' and witnesses' written and opening statement be included in the record.
Without objection, so ordered.
I ask unanimous consent that all articles, exhibits, and extraneous or tabular material referred to be included in the record.
Without objection, so ordered.
Today we are privileged to have former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, one of the leading experts on the Middle East, here to testify and we really appreciate his being here.
I have an opening statement I would like to make but I am going to submit it for the record and just make a couple of brief comments.
President Bush appeared before the United Nations today and I think he made a very strong case for holding Saddam Hussein accountable for his actions and inactions.
The President stated--and I think most of my colleagues and I saw this speech--the President stated in no uncertain terms that almost every one of the U.N. resolutions that had been agreed to by Saddam Hussein has been violated by him. I won't enumerate all of them, but I think the President made a very, very strong case.
I know there is a lot of concern about the problems in the Middle East and Iraq and whether or not we should take military action to eliminate the threat by Saddam Hussein. And so today I hope that listening to one of the foremost experts on the Middle East, Benjamin Netanyahu, we will be able to have a lot of those questions answered.
I have had the privilege of meeting with Benjamin Netanyahu on a number of times, a number of occasions, and heard him speak on issues concerning the Middle East and in particular Iraq, and I am convinced he is one of the most knowledgeable people on this issue that I have had the pleasure to talk to. And with that, I want to welcome Mr. Netanyahu.
[The prepared statement of Hon. Dan Burton follows:]
Mr. Burton. I will now yield to Mr. Kucinich who is going to make an opening statement on behalf of Mr. Waxman.
Mr. Kucinich. Actually, Mr. Chairman, I am making this statement on my behalf. Mr. Waxman, I think, will have a statement which his staff will submit for the record.
Mr. Burton. Without objection, we will put it in the record.
Mr. Kucinich. Thank you. I appreciate the Prime Minister's presence here today and his willingness to speak to our committee. It seems to me, and to many others, that one of the largest threats that Israel faces is terrorism. Israelis have repeatedly been victims of the tactics of terrorism and intimidation. A year ago the United States truly felt the brunt of this tactic, but our Nation has shown determination in bringing to justice those responsible for this attack. And as Prime Minister Netanyahu stated last year to this very committee on September 20, 2001, at a meeting I was pleased to attend: There are many terrorist militants all over the region that continue to operate terrorist missions to attack the United States, Israel, and other nations.
For the past few months, the rationale for linking Iraq and Saddam Hussein was supposed to link to terrorist attacks against the United States. Iraq at this moment to the best of our knowledge does not harbor terrorists who threaten the United States. The U.S. administration recently admitted, after months and months of talk, that there is no evidence of Iraq being tied to September 11th. So one of the questions I hope that we can get to today is why is the Iraq threat more severe now than ever before?
question - military capabilities of Iraq
One of the questions that has been raised is exactly what are the military capabilities of Iraq. Yesterday's Washington Post noted that senior intelligence officials did not have an up-to-date assessment of Iraq's nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons capacities. The administration so far has not presented credible evidence of a threat to the American people, or this Congress.
I wonder if Prime Minister Netanyahu will be able to present us with tangible evidence of Iraq's present nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons capabilities.
Now, I believe that our Nation should work with Israel to focus efforts to bring about a solution to the crisis in the Middle East between Israel and the Palestinians. I think the United States is in a role to serve as an honest broker in working with both parties to bring about a resolution of that very tragic condition.
Diplomatic efforts, I believe, have not been fully examined in the case of Iraq. And while Iraq is in defiance of certain U.N. orders, no one can seem to prove to this point that Iraq poses an imminent threat to this country or to any other Nation.
If the real worry is that Iraq is seeking weapons of mass destruction and may in the future plan to use them against its neighbors and the United States, then it would follow that inspections need to resume. Inspections have been proven to be effective in the elimination of Iraq's weapons. This is called preventive diplomacy, not preventive war. Israel, I believe, would benefit considerably from a commencement in the United- Nations-led inspections in Iraq. If the threat that the United States and Israel faces is the capability of Iraq to deliver weapons of mass destruction, if they have them and the ability to deliver, we should of course eliminate those weapons; find them and dismantle them.
But I would hope that as we proceed with the considerable intelligence of Mr. Netanyahu, that we not lose an opportunity to make still one more effort in trying to resolve our conditions of dispute with Iraq through the international community without the United States taking unilateral action and with an intention that we might be able to resolve this without resorting to war.
I thank Mr. Netanyahu for being here and I look forward to his testimony.
Mr. Burton. Are there other Members that wish to make an opening statement? Mr. Barr.
Mr. Barr. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As you set the example, I will submit a written statement in more detail. But I also want to thank the Prime Minister for being here today.
I also want to draw attention to the President's speech today which included very important elements in the war against terrorism. I think the President did a masterful job of laying out a sound basis for any number of options in the interest both of the United States and the world against terrorism and despotism. I think the President's message left the United States in a very solid position to exercise perhaps one of the most important tools in the fight against terrorism, and that is flexibility; not to tie oneself down to outside factors, but to always remain focused on maintaining maximum number of options with which to deal with terrorism, which itself maintains by its definition tremendous flexibility.
So I want to take this opportunity to commend President Bush for a masterful job of laying out the case for military action should it become necessary, but at the same time leaving options open and, at least by his actions today before the United Nations, preventing anyone from raising legitimate concerns or criticisms of the President for not making every effort to secure the backing of international organizations and our allies.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Burton. Thank you Mr. Barr.
Mr. Waxman.
Mr. Waxman. I thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to welcome our witness, former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, to our hearing. It is good to see you again. The last time we met was in this room on September 20, 2001, right after the horrible terrorist attacks of September 11th. At that time, Prime Minister Netanyahu conveyed the grief, empathy, and the solidarity of the entire world when he said, ``Today we are all Americans.'' And he spoke with great force and eloquence about the need to confront terrorism.
Now we are considering a different question: whether the United States should take military action against Iraq. This question is not an easy one and it raises complex issues to which Congress has not yet received answers. Should the United States push for the return of the international inspectors? Should we seek from the Security Council a resolution authorizing the use of force? What effects will a war on Iraq have on the war against terrorism, and what is the plan for Iraq after hostilities end?
The Nation and the world were united in pursuing al Qaeda, but this consensus is lacking on Iraq. There are significant differences of opinion in the international community. There are differences of opinion within the United States. There are even differences of opinion within the Bush administration itself.
It is appropriate for us to give special attention to the implications for Israel of war against Iraq. As the Gulf war demonstrated, Israel will most likely be the first target of an Iraqi regime bent on retaliation. Iraq fired over 40 Scud missiles at Israel during the Gulf war, causing severe damage, casualties, and deaths. Throughout that conflict, Israeli citizens lived under the daily threat of chemical and biological warfare. Israelis will face similar risks and challenges if there is another war against Iraq.
But while the topic of this hearing is important, I regret that the minority was not consulted in advance about witnesses for today's hearing. This hearing is entitled: ``Conflict with Iraq: An Israeli Perspective.'' Yet to the best of my knowledge the chairman did not send invitations to a single member of the current Israeli Government. Moreover, the chairman did not agree to invite other experts in Israeli foreign policy until yesterday, which was not sufficient notice to allow other witnesses to attend.
Although Mr. Netanyahu was indeed Prime Minister of Israel and is respected widely for his expertise, I am sure he would agree that he represents his point of view and maybe a point of view that is widespread, but it is one point of view, and there are other witnesses as well that we should have before this committee.
I wrote to Chairman Burton on Monday, asking him to invite administration witnesses so that we could find out how the Bush administration plans on working with Israel and our allies in the region, but we have no witnesses from the administration.
We also do not have witnesses who can testify about the implications of military action in Iraq on other countries in the Middle East.
Military confrontation with Iraq may well be necessary, but it is a decision fraught with consequences for the United States, the Mideast, and the rest of the world. We need to hear the broadest possible spectrum of views so that we can make as informed a decision as possible about this vital issue.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mrs. Morella.
Mrs. Morella. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will submit my full statement for the record, but I just wanted to welcome Prime Minister Netanyahu and point out what we all know, and that is today's hearing is a topic of central importance both to the American people and to the world. And it is necessary, I believe, that Congress debate the merits of an invasion of Iraq, learn the perspective of our allies, determine whether an imminent attack is the wisest course of action. And I do indeed have serious reservations about an attack, but I look forward to hearing from Prime Minister Netanyahu, particularly in regards to the ramifications for Israel.
If we do not attack, what may happen to Israel? If we do attack, what may happen to Israel?
And I yield back. Thank you.
Mr. Burton. Thank you Mrs. Morella.
[The prepared statement of Hon. Constance A. Morella follows:]
Mr. Burton. Mr. Clay.
Mr. Clay. Thank you for yielding, Mr. Chairman. I too will deliver an abbreviated opening statement and submit its entirety to the record.
I too would like to welcome our distinguished guest, former Prime Minister Netanyahu, to this panel. I certainly appreciate having your perspective on this highly contentious issue, the conflict with Iraq.
This issue has spawned many different points of view. There is, however, a consensus that exists between our two countries. We both believe without question that Saddam Hussein must be removed. Saddam's continued existence in the region serves to further aggravate an opportunity for real peace and cooperation between Israel and its Arab neighbors.
I realize that for the present moment, many questions still remain unanswered. Prime Minister Netanyahu, I am very interested to learn your opinion on how a new Iraqi regime might be different from the one that is currently in place. Additionally, I am interested in knowing your thoughts about the impact of regional destabilization and the potential loss of additional American and Israeli lives.
And, Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to submit my statement into the record.
Mr. Burton. Mr. Clay, without objection, so ordered.
[The prepared statement of Hon. Wm. Lacy Clay follows:]
Mr. Burton. Are there further statements? Mr. Mica. It is nice to see you, Mr. Mica.
Mr. Mica. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is always good to be with you. And welcome, former Prime Minister Netanyahu.
Just a very brief statement that while I welcome the Prime Minister's advice and counsel, I think that we all need to remember that it is the responsibility under the Constitution of the United States for the President of the United States to make a decision in our national security.
Now, I know war does require some advice and consent of the Congress, but we have to remember what we are dealing with here: someone who has gassed his own population; someone that a little over a decade ago lobbed missiles into Israel, killing people. And at that time, he did not have the technology that he may have today. And whether it is delivered by a missile or some other means, we have seen that his goal is to destroy not only Israelis but destroy world peace and the United States in the process.
So I think it is time that we get a little starch in our spines and realize the threat that we face, that we back the President of the United States. It is nice to have this discussion, but only he is provided with the intelligence and the information on proceeding, and he should make that decision and we should support that decision.
At Memorial Day, I visited Europe and followed the President through the graves at Normandy and visited other of our cemeteries. The landscape of Europe is littered with the American dead who have gone in to bail out our weak-kneed allies who have slept while there have been holocausts, who have delayed taking action when others have been slaughtered. And I don't think this is the time--we know the terrorists were not interested in killing 2,800 in the World Trade Center. They wanted to kill 28,000 in each tower.
And, again, it is nice to have this debate, this discussion, but I think we need to back the President of the United States, and I would strongly support his action based on what we now know to go after Saddam Hussein.
Thank you, and I yield back.
Mr. Burton. Thank you, Mr. Mica.
Mr. Turner.
Mr. Turner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I simply want to welcome the Prime Minister to this committee. You have been here before. I had the opportunity to visit with you in Jerusalem shortly after you assumed the position of Prime Minister. We welcome your input and your counsel, and I admire you greatly for your advocacy of democracy which I have heard you speak of on many occasions. So thank you for being with us.
Mr. Burton. Thank you, Mr. Turner. Since that was so short, we will go to Mr. Tierney.
Mr. Tierney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will forgo my remarks and just welcome the witness here, and thank him for his time and his perspective on that. I suspect that these hearings will be broadened out and we will hear other perspectives also that we will all benefit from. Thank you.
Mr. Burton. Thank you Mr. Tierney.
Any other comments on our side?
Mr. McHugh. I apologize, Mr. Chairman. I was not going to make a statement, and I will still try to be brief. I certainly want to add my words of welcome to the former Prime Minister. As I hope you can tell, sir, you have many admirers, amongst whom I count myself, and many, many admirers as well for the great spirit and the great determination of the Israeli people.
As you have also probably heard, we have some disagreements on some of the particulars that lie behind this issue, while we are particularly interested in hearing your comments and your very unique perspective and expertise. And I am just going to make a simple request of my colleagues. All of us who have the honor of serving here, of course, are very busy, but I have heard some remarks here today about what we do and what we do not know about what are allegations and what are not.
I had an opportunity this morning to go to a meeting with some other members where we were given a document that I see is amongst those in our briefing booklets here today. And it is the backgrounder that the administration put out: ``A Decade of Deception and Defiance'' that I think every Member, as we face this weighty issue, would serve themselves and their Nation well by reviewing very carefully; because as you look through it, it details not based on supposition, not based on unconfirmed intelligence reports, not based upon opinion, but based upon a very clear record of deception, very clear record of the kinds of capabilities that we know for a fact, confirmed by the United Nations, that Saddam Hussein has developed. It confirms the enormous amounts of armaments, of chemical weapons, and precursors that are unaccounted for, and that any reasonable person would have to assume are still in existence.
You can draw your own determinations from that, my colleagues, but I think that as we deliberate on this issue, the facts are probably the most persuasive argument and the facts are established. I think we should all do our best to familiarize ourselves with them. So I would just make that respectful--I hope respectful--suggestion to all of us, myself included. And again Mr. Prime Minister, welcome.
Mr. Mica. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. McHugh. I am happy to.
Mr. Mica. I ask unanimous consent that this document be made part of the record. I think that is very important. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Burton. Without objection, so ordered.
[The information referred to follows:]
Mr. McHugh. I yield back my time. Thank you.
Mr. Burton. Thank you Mr. McHugh. Are there further comments by the members of the committee?
If not, it was asked of me how this meeting came about. I was in Israel last week. I had the opportunity to talk, along with my colleagues in our CODEL, with Shimon Perez, the Foreign Minister, as well as Mr. Netanyahu. And I would like the former Prime Minister to comment on this, but it was my impression and I think the impression of my colleagues, both Democrat, Republicans and Independents who were on the trip with us, that there is--while the Likud and Labor do have differences of opinion, they seem to be of one mind regarding the threat that emanates from Iraq regarding Saddam Hussein. So, if you would illuminate on that, Mr. Netanyahu, I would appreciate it.
You are welcomed to address the committee. Mr. Netanyahu.
STATEMENT OF BENJAMIN NETANYAHU, FORMER PRIME MINISTER OF ISRAEL
Thank you, Chairman Burton. It is a pleasure being with all of you, and I appreciate the thoughtful remarks and thoughtful questions from all of you distinguished Representatives. I will try to address your questions in the course of my opening remarks and in the question and answer session that will follow it, because I think they are valid and important, all of them, and I think the world needs this discussion and other discussions that will be taking place in this capital of liberty.
Last year, a few days after September 11th, I was given the privilege of appearing before this committee to discuss the issue of terrorism. But I have to tell you that had I been given the opportunity to speak before September 11th, I believe I would have offered pretty much the same suggestions about how the war on terrorism should be fought and how it can be won.
What I would have pointed out is that the key to defeating terrorism lies in deterring and destroying the regimes that harbor, abet, and aid terror.
CASE FOR DESTROYING 'NETWORK' & WMD Profileration
I would have argued that to root out terror, the entire network of terror--that is, the network that consists of some half a dozen terrorism regimes and two dozen terror organizations affiliated with them--that this entire terror network had to be brought down. And most important, I would have warned that the greatest danger facing our world is the ominous possibility that any part of this terror network would acquire nuclear weapons.
Now, I have to be candid and say that even had I presented my views in the most coherent and persuasive fashion, I have no doubt that some of you, and perhaps most you, would have regarded them as exaggerated and even alarmist. But then came September 11th and fiction turned into fact and the unimaginable became real.
That single day of horror alerted most Americans to the grave dangers that are now facing our world. And many Americans understand today that, had al Qaeda possessed nuclear weapons last September, that the city of New York would not exist today. And they realize that we could all have spent yesterday grieving not for thousands of dead, but for millions.
But for others around the world, I suppose the power of imagination is not so acute. It appears that some people will have to once again see the unimaginable in front of their eyes before they are willing to do what must be done, because how else can one explain the violent opposition, the insistent opposition to President Bush's plan to dismantle Saddam Hussein's regime?
Now, I do not mean to suggest for a moment that the questions raised here and other questions are not relevant; that is, that there are not legitimate questions about a potential operation against Iraq. Indeed there are. But the question of whether removing Saddam's regime is itself legitimate is not one of them. And equally immaterial in my mind is the argument that America cannot oust Saddam without prior approval of the international community because this is a ruler who is rapidly expanding his arsenal of biological and chemical weapons. This is a dictator who has used these weapons of mass destruction against his subjects and his neighbors and this is a tyrant who is feverishly trying to acquire nuclear weapons.
CASE for Preemptive Attack on Weapons facilities that may pose FUTURE risk, but NO Imminent Risk
The dangers posed by a nuclear-armed Saddam is understood by my country. Two decades ago, well before September 11th, in 1981, Menachem Begin dispatched the Israeli Air Force on a predawn raid that destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak. This probably took place months away from Saddam's ability to assemble the critical mass of plutonium for the first atomic bomb, or more than one.
Now, at the time, Israel was condemned by all the world's governments, even the government of our closest friend, the United States. But I think that over time, history has rendered a far kinder judgment on that act of unquestionable foresight and unmistakable courage.
And I believe that it is history's judgment that should inform our own judgment today. Did Israel launch that preemptive strike because Saddam had committed a specific act of terror against us? Did we accord our actions with the international? Did we condition this operation on the approval of the United Nations? No, of course not. Israel acted because we understood that a nuclear-armed Saddam would place our very survival at risk.
And today the United States must destroy the same regime because a nuclear-armed Saddam will place the security of our entire world at risk. And make no mistake about it, if and once Saddam has nuclear weapons, the terror network will have nuclear weapons. And once the terror network has nuclear weapons, it is only a matter of time before those weapons will be used.
You cannot prevent a dictator who has used terrorism in the past, who cavorts and supports and encourages terror organizations, from using this weapon by giving it to someone, by having them threaten to use it against his enemies. Once one of the terror regimes, once one of the principal regimes in the terror network has nuclear weapons, you cannot prevent the terror network from having nuclear weapons.
CASE FOR 'REGIME CHANGE' b/c inspections not enough
Two decades ago, it was possible to thwart Saddam's nuclear ambitions by bombing a single installation. But today, nothing less than dismantling his regime will do, because Saddam's nuclear program has fundamentally changed in those two decades. He no longer needs one large reactor to produce the deadly material necessary for atomic bombs. He can produce it in centrifuges the size of washing machines that can be hidden throughout the country. And I want to remind you that Iraq is a very big country. It is not the size of Monte Carlo. It is a big country.
And I believe that even free and unfettered inspections will not uncover these portable manufacturing sites of mass death. So knowing this, I ask all the governments and others who oppose or question the President's plan to look at it from the other end of the logic: Do you believe that action can be taken against Saddam only after he builds nuclear bombs and uses them? And do the various critics, especially overseas, believe that a clear connection between Saddam and September 11th must be established before we have a right to prevent the next September 11th?
I think not.
I will try to give an analogy. All analogies are imperfect, but here is one. If you try to defeat the Mafia, you do not just go after the foot soldiers who carried out the last attack, or even stop with the apprehension of the particular Don who sent them; you go after the entire network of organized crime, all the families, all the organizations, all of them.
Well, likewise, if you intend to defeat terror, you do not just go after the terrorists who carried out the last attack or even the particular regime that sent them; you go after the entire network of terror, all the regimes that support terror, all the organizations that they harbor. All of them.
PREEMPTION
And doing this always entails the need to act before additional attacks are carried out. When the security of a nation is endangered, a responsible government has to take the actions that are necessary to protect its citizens and eliminate the threat that confronts them. And sometimes this requires preemption.
I have to say that in the history of democracies, preemption has been, in my mind, the most difficult choice for leaders to make because at time of the decision, you could never prove the critics wrong. You could never show them the great catastrophe that was avoided by preemptive action. And yet we now know that had the democracies taken preemptive action to bring down Hitler in the 1930's, the worst horrors in history could have been avoided. And we now know--and we know this from defectors and from other intelligence--that had Israel not launched its preemptive strike on Saddam's atomic bomb factory, recent history would have taken a turn to catastrophe.
But the most compelling case for preemption against Saddam's regime I believe was not made by the President's powerful words this morning, but by the savage action of the terrorists themselves on September 11th. Their wakeup call from hell has opened our eyes to the horrors that await us all tomorrow if we fail to act today.
Now, I was asked by one of you about the sentiment of Israelis in the face of the palpable risks involved. My friends, I want to say that I am here today as a citizen of a country that is most endangered by a preemptive strike. For it is I think clear that in the last gasps of Saddam's dying regime, he will attempt to launch his remaining missiles, his remaining payloads, including biological and chemical payloads, at the Jewish state. And though I am speaking here today as a private citizen, I believe and I know that I speak and reflect the sentiment of not just the majority, but the overwhelming majority of Israelis in supporting a preemptive strike against Saddam's regime, and this cuts across political lines in Israel. We support this preemptive American action even though we stand on the front lines, while others criticize it as they sit comfortably on the sidelines. But we know that their sense of comfort is an illusion, for if action is not taken now, we will all be threatened by a much greater peril.
We support this action because it is possible today to defend against chemical and biological attacks. We have gas masks that are available. We have vaccinations. They are available. There are other means of civil defense that can protect our citizens and reduce the risk to them.
And indeed, a central component of any strike on Iraq must be to ensure that the Israeli Government, if it so chooses, has the means to vaccinate every citizen of Israel before action is initiated. And I want to stress that ensuring this is not merely the responsibility of the Government of Israel but also the responsibility of the Government of the United States.
Let me repeat this: The Government of Israel and the Government of the United States must jointly ensure that the people of Israel have all the available means of civil defense before action begins.
But equally I can say that no gas mask and no vaccine can protect against nuclear weapons. Science has not yet invented such a device. And this is why regimes that have no compunction about using weapons of mass destruction and will not hesitate to give these weapons to their terror proxies must never be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. These regimes must be brought down before they possess the power to bring us all down.
If a preemptive action would be supported by a broad coalition of free countries--and if it is the United Nations, all the better--but if such support is not forthcoming, then the United States must be prepared to act without it. International support for actions that are vital to a Nation's security is always desirable, but it must never constitute a precondition. If you can get it, fine. If not, act without it.
I don't want to sound like something familiar to you, but I would say, if you can't get it, just do it.
Now, my friends, under exceptional circumstances, public figures may sometimes be forgiven for quoting themselves, and I hope today that you will indulge me and grant me this privilege, because nearly two decades ago I wrote the following. I said that:
The West can win the war against terrorism. It can expose its duplicity and punish its perpetrators and its sponsors. But it must first win the war against its own inner weakness, and that will require courage. We shall need at least three types of courage.
First, statesmen must have the political courage to present the truth, however unpleasant, to their people. They must be prepared to make difficult decisions, to take measures that may involve great risks and subject them to public criticism.
Second, the soldiers who will be called upon to combat terrorists will need to show military courage.
Third, the people will have to show civic courage. The citizens of a democracy threatened by terrorists must see themselves in a certain sense as soldiers in a common battle. They must not pressure their government to capitulate or surrender to terrorism. If we seriously want to win the war against terrorism, people must be willing to endure sacrifice and even if there is the loss of loved ones, immeasurable pain. Terrorism is a phenomenon which tries to invoke one feeling: fear. It is therefore understandable that the one virtue necessary to defeat terrorism is the antithesis of fear: courage.
Courage, said the Romans, is not the only virtue, but it is the single virtue without which all other virtues are meaningless. The terrorist challenge must be answered. The choice is between a free society based on law and compassion and barbarism in the service of brute force and tyranny. Confusion and vacillation facilitated the rise of terrorism. Clarity and courage will ensure its defeat.
My friends, though I wrote these words almost 20 years ago, they were never as pertinent, I think, as they are today. A year after September 11th, I am certain that this great Nation possesses the three types of courage needed to defeat the monstrous evil that now confronts us. President Bush has shown courage by boldly charting a court to victory. The American military is once again prepared to shoulder the burden of defeating the enemies of freedom. And most of all, the American people have shouldered the courage to fight back and win.
For me that courage was most pointedly manifested last year on Flight 93, because right there in the eye of the storm, ordinary citizens displayed extraordinary heroism and rose to thwart the murderous designs of the terrorists. They thereby saved an unknown number of lives, including perhaps the lives of some people in this very room.
It is, I believe, that same civic courage that has been displayed this past year and the willingness of Americans to rally behind their government to wage war on terror. I recognize this courage, ladies and gentlemen, because I see it on the faces of my countrymen every day. Every day, millions of Israelis who have been subjected to an unprecedented campaign of terror have stood--and stand--firmly behind our government in the war against Palestinian terror. We have not crumbled. We have not run. We have stood our ground and fought back.
You see, the terrorists and the tyrants of the world, they always get it wrong. They were wrong about Churchill's England. They are woefully wrong about Israel. And they are wrong, dead wrong, about America.
I think they simply do not have the means to understand the power of freedom. They think that by bombing our free societies we will collapse. They see our free debate as debilitating. They would see a hearing of this kind, the questions that are raised here, as a sign of weakness. They don't understand it is a sign of enormous strength. They think our open discourse is a sign of that weakness.
They believe that their cult of death is stronger than our love of life. But of course they are wrong. There is nothing stronger than the will of a free people united to protect its life and its liberty. And now it is up to us to prove the terrorists and the tyrants wrong once again.
I am not saying it will be easy, and it certainly will demand some sacrifice, but it must be done today because tomorrow's sacrifice will be infinitely greater. Sixty years ago Winston Churchill put it this way: ``if you will not fight terror when your victory will be sure and not too costly,'' he said, ``you may come to the moment when you will have to fight with all the odds against you. There may even be a worst case. You may have to fight when there is no hope of victory.''
My friends, this is the heart of the fact. What I said before this committee 1 year ago holds true today. Today the terrorists have the power--or rather have the will to destroy us, but not the power. Today we have the power to destroy them. Now we must summon the will to do so.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, thank you all.
Question and answers
Mr. Burton. You know, Mr. Netanyahu, in the late 1930's, the Churchill voice was a voice in the wilderness, and all the world, including the Prime Minister of Great Britain, did not buy it. And it was not until the ax finally fell that they realized that they should have listened in the first place.
I think your message today is very clear. I think it is just as clear as what Winston Churchill was trying to get across in the late 1930's and unfortunately was not able to convince the world of until it was involved in World War II.
I think your statement, which was very eloquent, boils down to one thing, and that is do we react to another attack on America after hundreds of thousands or millions of lives have been lost, or do we preempt that kind of action from happening in the first place? And I think you made a very strong case today that we should support President Bush and respond before it happens.
There are many of my colleagues, many of the people in this country that say, you know, to declare war on Iraq would be a mistake, and we should wait and check and wait and check. But we are at war. Three thousand people lost their lives last September 11th at the Pentagon, in Pennsylvania and at the World Trade Center. And we are at war. And I think people tend to forget that. We are not waiting for a war to begin; we are at war right now. And it seems to me that the terrorist network to which you referred needs to be attacked and needs to be attacked as quickly as possible so that we do not have more severe losses than we have already experienced.
With that, let me ask a few questions here. To your knowledge, has Iraq kept its team of nuclear scientists together? And is that an indication that they are going to continue to develop nuclear weapons? Also what nations are aiding Iraq, if you know, in the nuclear program? And, of course, finally, if you might elaborate a little bit further on what you think the first use of nuclear weapons might be.
Mr. Netanyahu. I can only give you the information that I can divulge from my tenure as Prime Minister, and it is 3 years old. The information we had was that Saddam was pursuing all avenues of developing weapons of mass destruction and the means to deliver them. I have to say that he was enjoying in this effort the support of Russian technology and I should say Russian technologists onsite. They were a principal source. And other regimes including North Korea were supporting that effort as well.
There is no question that he had not given up on his nuclear program, not whatsoever. There is also no question that he was not satisfied with the arsenal of chemical and biological weapons that he had and was trying to perfect them constantly, if ``perfect'' is the word to describe this ghoulish enterprise.
So I think, frankly, it is not serious to assume that this man who 20 years ago was very close to producing an atomic bomb spent the last 20 years sitting on his hands. He has not. And every indication that we have is that he is pursuing, pursuing with abandon, pursuing with every ounce of effort, the establishment of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons.
If anyone makes an opposite assumption, or cannot draw the lines connecting the dots, that is simply not an objective assessment of what has happened. Saddam is hell-bent on achieving atomic bombs--atomic capabilities as soon as he can.
Mr. Burton. Let me ask you a question regarding chemical and biological weapons. We have been told that the Scud missiles that were launched at Israel during the Persian Gulf war, if they had been tipped with chemical or biological weapons, the weapons would have been destroyed when they hit the ground. But we have been told that there are drones that he has had in his possession that had in the nose of those drones the ability to spray chemical or biological weapons when they flew over a given target. Are you familiar with that? Can you elaborate on that?
Mr. Netanyahu. I am familiar with some of this, yes. But I think, Mr. Chairman, that it is very hard to say what the effectiveness of chemical and biological warheads will be when they actually impact on the ground. It is very hard to say. They might be intercepted in the air. We have some capability to that effect in the form of the Arrow antiballistic missile, which was jointly developed by Israel and the United States. That is a very important development to stop missiles before they get there. But, again, these missiles would explode in midair, and it depends what residual parts of the warhead materialize on the grounds. Probably not much.
But suppose some of these missiles are not intercepted. Suppose they come in. It is impossible right now, to the best of my knowledge from the information that we now have, to say what the extent of the damage would be. Hence the emphasis, and the emphasis in my remarks, on civil protection. Assume the worst, prepare for the worst, and you will come out the best. We have to assume that he will fire the missiles. We cannot assume that we will intercept all the missiles, and we cannot assume that the warheads will not distribute chemical and, what is worst, biological material. So we must take all the precautions, and it is possible, as I said, to reduce-- substantially reduce the risk of such attacks even if they get through.
And this I think should be the focus of Israel and the United States before action is taken. I don't think this is an ancillary part of the war aims. I think this should be built into the war aims. Israel, as the most likely target of Saddam, as has been demonstrated once, must be protected.
Mr. Burton. Mr. Turner.
Mr. Kucinich.
Mr. Kucinich. Thank you.
Mr. Prime Minister, when you were Prime Minister, did you identify the nuclear capabilities of Iraq, if any?
Mr. Netanyahu. We could not place an exact time. We knew that he was developing these nuclear capabilities. We could not, Mr. Kucinich, say exactly how long it would take him to complete the engineering of an effective nuclear device. But our assessments kept shrinking; that is, our Intelligence Community, as we moved along the axis of time, the time that we assumed it would take him to create nuclear weapons was constantly shrinking, but we couldn't say with absolute precession how long it would take him.
Mr. Kucinich. Do you have any new evidence of Iraq's weapon capabilities--nuclear capabilities?
Mr. Netanyahu. I cannot give you even an oblique reference to information in the last 3 years because I am busy going around the world, visiting Washington. I am not prying into privileged dossiers. There is this thing, ``need to know,'' and I do not really need to know right now. But I think you can be sure that when I did need to know, there was a constant upgrading of these weapons. Constant upgrading of these weapons. Constant efforts to make them more lethal and to expand the reach of the delivery systems to deliver them.
Mr. Kucinich. I would respectfully suggest to the Prime Minister, notwithstanding the great affection I have for Mr. Prime Minister, that there is a need to know if the United States is being called upon to launch preemptive action against Iraq. There is a need to know the evidence. I share the concern that other Members have articulated here about the effect that a preemptive attack on Iraq by the United States would have not only on the people of our country who would be called upon to wage that, and innocent civilians, but also the effect that it would have on Israel.
Now, you stated in your remarks that if the United States launched a preemptive attack on Iraq, that Iraq in Saddam Hussein's--as you described it--dying gasp would be expected to launch a counterattack on Israel.
If the United States does not launch a preemptive attack on the State of Iraq, do you see any indication that Iraq is prepared to launch an attack on Israel?
Mr. Netanyahu. First of all, let me comment on when I said I do not need to know, I meant I do not need that kind of detailed information. It always involves, just by the nature of the information, some indication of source, and I for one try to avoid that when I am not in office. That is what I meant.
But I also say that if you connect the dots, here is a man who from the minute he achieved power is trying to create a nuclear weapon. Twenty years ago he is very close to producing it. He is foiled. He changed the technology to centrifuges that will prevent him from being foiled again. We know that he is taking in nuclear technologists and nuclear technologies from various countries. We know that he is developing the means to deliver these weapons. We have defectors who describe how committed he is to this above all else. So we have all of these dots, and we say, well, we do not know exactly what is happening.
You know, it is like you are about to see somebody plunging a knife into someone, you look in a keyhole, you followed a murderer. You know that he has already killed a few people, and you see him trail somebody, and you are trailing him. He shuts the door, you are looking through the keyhole, and you see him grasping the throat of this person, raising the knife, and then the light goes out, and the next thing you know is a body is found. And you can say, well, I did not actually see him in flagrante, in the act, if you will.
But I think, Mr. Kucinich, that it is simply not reflecting the reality to assume that Saddam is not feverishly working to develop nuclear weapons as we speak.
Mr. Kucinich. The question I asked is do you have any indication that Saddam is going to attack Israel, absent a preemptive launch by the United States?
Mr. Netanyahu. I cannot tell you that he will attack Israel at a particular time. I think what you have to assume--and this is a fair assumption--that he does not have to necessarily directly attack Israel. What you can do, what these people do, for example, the Taliban regime did not directly attack the United States. It harbored a terrorist group that did the job for them. The Taliban regime did not have its intelligence officers casing the joint, so to speak. Somebody else did it for them.
If Saddam has a nuclear weapon, he could use it to threaten or to actually detonate a nuclear regime directly or indirectly. He does not necessarily have to do it and undertake the risk of a response by Israel or by anyone else. And this is precisely the problem. You are not dealing with Iraq alone. You are dealing with a terror network. You are dealing with a system where you have proxies. We now live in a world where these people have proxies.
Mr. Kucinich. I know my time is up. Mr. Netanyahu, thank you.
I want to ask one last question, and that is you talk about a network of terror. Are there any other nations that you would recommend that the United States launch preemptive attacks upon at this point?
Mr. Netanyahu. No, the issue is not--the issue is not-- first of all are there other Nations that are developing nuclear weapons, yes.
Mr. Kucinich. Should we launch any other preemptive attacks?
Mr. Netanyahu. First let me say what they are, and then I will make a suggestion on how to proceed. The answer is categorically yes. The nations that are vying who will be the first to achieve nuclear weapons is Iraq and Iran, and Iran, by, the way is also outpacing Iraq in the development of ballistic missile systems that they hope would reach the eastern seaboard of the United States within 15 years. I guess that does not include California, but includes Washington.
A third nation, by the way, is Libya as well. Libya, while no one is watching, under the cloak, is trying very rapidly to build an atomic bomb capability. So you have here now three nations. Not surprisingly all three have been implicated in the past in terrorist activity using the clandestine means of terror and proxies.
Now, the question that you asked is vital, it is important, and that is what do you do about it? You can fight all of them--you have to dismantle the network. And the question is do you dismantle all of it at once? No, you did not. The first thing you did after the wakeup call of September 11th was that you took on the first regime that directly perpetrated that catastrophe. You removed the Taliban regime, and you scattered al Qaeda, although it has not been completely destroyed yet.
Now what is your next step? Knowing that three of these nations are developing nuclear weapons, this is not a hypothesis. It is fact. Iraq, Iran, and Libya are racing to develop nuclear weapons. So now what is the next step? I believe that the next step is to choose--it is not a question of whether you have to take action or what kind of action and against whom.
I think of the three, Saddam is probably in many ways the linchpin because it is possible to take out this regime with military action, and the reverberations of what happens with the collapse of Saddam's regime could very well create an implosion in a neighboring regime like Iran for the simple reason that Iran has--I don't want to say a middle class, but it has a large population that is--that might bring down the regime just as it brought down the Shah's regime.
So I think that the choice of going after Iraq is like removing a brick that holds a lot of other bricks and might cause this structure to crumble. It is not guaranteed. The assumption of regime removal in Iraq and implosion in Iran and implosion in Libya is an assumption. It is not guaranteed. But if I had to choose should there be military action first against Iraq or first against Iran, I would choose exactly what the President has chosen to go after Iraq.
Mr. Kucinich. What would you choose second?
Mr. Netanyahu. I would wait and see what the effects are, and I think the effects could be quite mighty and startling. The political culture in this region is not one--in these societies is not one of respecting force, it is worshipping force. And the determination, resolution of the United States in applying it, I think that this could have beneficial effects that might preclude the application of further military action. I am not saying that you should disavow it from the start, but I am saying that the more resolutely and quickly you act now, the more victories you gain up front, the more victories you might again later without needing to apply such overt military power.
Mr. Burton. Mr. Horn.
Mr. Horn. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you.
We have seen you in Israel, and we have seen you here, and you are very rational about these issues.
So I would like to ask a couple of things. You have a peace movement in Israel. We have peace movements in the United States. And we talk about inspectors that might do something if Saddam does let us in. Could you tell me what you would tell those people in both Israel and the United States? Are they just naive or what? A lot of them mean very well, I am sure, but that does not solve the problem.
Mr. Netanyahu. Well, I think there is a confluence of opinion right now in Israel, Mr. Horn. I think there has been a sea of change in opinion in Israel over the last 2 years. There was never a peace camp because the entire country was united in the desire for peace, but there were different ideas on how to achieve it.
The idea that animated Oslo was that the peace with our Palestinian neighbors would be achieved not by the traditional method of deterrence, which is what I think you can do with a dictatorial society opposite you, or a dictatorial regime. It was based on the idea that you could develop trust with a dictatorship and forgo deterrence. And in order to develop this trust, we gave--the Israeli Government at the time gave Arafat a large swath of territory girding and overlooking our major cities; gave him a small army; gave him 50,000 rifles; gave him international recognition and access to a great deal of money. And in exchange he made two promises. One is that he would recognize Israel and forgo the propaganda for its destruction, and the second was that he would abandon terror.
He pocketed all of these benefits and then proceeded to summarily violate these two commitments. His State-controlled press, every word, every image that you hear and see in the Palestinian media is controlled by Arafat; was propounding day in and day out in Arabic the doctrine of policide, the destruction of the State, our State, Israel, to a generation of Palestinian youngsters, to every one; and second, of course, proceeded to launch the worst and most consistent campaign of terror that the world has seen.
Nothing compares to the horror of September 11th. No single terrorist action in history has compared to it, and I hope nothing will ever compare to it again. But there is equal unprecedence, lack of precedence, for the day-in and day-out carnage that Arafat had meted on us with the savagery of suicide bombings carried out by people who graduated his suicide kindergarten camps, suicide universities, who visited his suicide museums and so on.
So people woke up. They now say we were wrong. Many people. I cannot say all, but I can say just by reading the public opinion polls and talking to people in Israel, there is a tremendous unanimity in the country. They are not fooled. They understand that Arafat is essentially an Osama bin Laden with good PR. Well, medium PR. It is not that good. At least in America it does not go that far. It has a wider reach in Europe. But I think many in America have seen through him. I don't think he gets the time of day here, and I think it is a question of time before he is ousted. He should have been ousted in my opinion right at the start of this outrage 2 years ago.
But I fully agree with President Bush when he says that Arafat has to go. There has to be the opportunity for other leaders to rise.
So I think in Israel today actually, I see a lot more unanimity than before. And I see, frankly, notwithstanding the confines of a debate in a democratic society, I see a similar process here in the United States following September 11th. My friend whom I respect a great deal, the Pulitzer Prize-winning writer, Charles Krauthammer, said in the 1990's, America slept and Israel dreamed. And he said that on September 2000, Israel woke up with the beginning of the terror campaign launched against it. And a year later in September 2001, America woke up with the bombing of New York and Washington. I think that reflects what has taken place in our democratic societies.
I am not sure the same applies with equal vigor to other parts of the democratic world, but I think it does not matter. Europe never had a stellar record in understanding global threats, threats to Europe itself, and acting in time to thwart them. But the United States and Israel have a pretty good record, and it is because the people unite in their understanding of the danger and their willingness to act against it.
Mr. Horn. What do you think of the inspectors' approach? Did it do much before he just moves things around?
Mr. Netanyahu. It did some, but it is a cat and mouse game, and he is the cat, and he is successful, a successful cat. It is not very difficult to deceive inspectors. It is not even difficult to deceive satellite inspection. You can burrow tunnels and hide--did you ever see the Great Escape? Remember that movie where all these guys come out, and they have the sand which they distribute through the trousers while they are walking in the yard? That is essentially what dictators do. They can create tunnels and labyrinths that you never discover that are impervious to radar and other means.
When you have an entire country to hide portable centrifuges that are a little bigger than those two cameras, it is not very difficult. You can get away with it, and he has gotten away with it, frankly.
Mr. Horn. Thank you.
Mr. Burton. Mr. Tierney.
Mr. Tierney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I just want to revisit something that Mr. Kucinich brought up earlier. You mentioned in your own comments that Iran is much further along in the path of throw power ability to move a nuclear or other rocket toward the United States than is Iraq; am I right?
Mr. Netanyahu. More developed than Iraq, yes. But Iraq is trying to catch up.
Mr. Tierney. Right. Well, we also know that there is speculation that Iran may have nuclear weapons, but we know that Iraq is still floundering around looking for materials, moving in that direction.
Mr. Netanyahu. I don't know that Iran has nuclear weapons.
Mr. Tierney. No, I don't think anybody does. There is speculation on that. But at least as certain as we can possibly know, Iraq is still looking for some materials in order to try to get to that point.
Mr. Netanyahu. Right.
Mr. Tierney. We have information reported in the Washington Post and other papers that Iran shelters dozens of al Qaeda fighters, identifying the cities of Mashhad and Zabol, yet we have the Bush administration telling us they do not have any firm evidence that there is any connection between al Qaeda or the acts of September 11th and Iraq. So I guess I want to ask you again in light of those comparisons, why is it that you think that if all of these countries in your words are ``problems'' for us, why would you pick Iraq first as opposed to Syria, Iran or the others?
Mr. Netanyahu. I think that it is not first. It is second. The first one is the Taliban. Now the question is what is the second?
Mr. Tierney. Excuse me 1 second. You are making the connection between the Taliban and Iraq?
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes, I am. I am saying if you look at those who harbor terrorists and those who support terrorists----
Mr. Tierney. I guess I was looking for a connection between September 11th, and my understanding why we went to the Taliban was there was a connection. They were harboring someone who we believe did the act of September 11th.
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes, that is the first reason.
Mr. Tierney. Now you will take me from September 11th to Iraq somehow?
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes, but I am saying something else. I am saying that the question is not whether Iraq was directly connected to September 11th, but how do you prevent the next September 11th? You have a subset of the international system that disavows any constraints on the use of power. These handful of regimes and the terrorist organizations that they harbor are fueled by a terrible anti-Western zealotry, a militancy that knows no bounds and does not respect any force, knows no limits to the uses of power.
Mr. Tierney. And one would be Iran? More rocket capacity than Iraq and harbors al Qaeda people, or at least----
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes. Now the question you have is this: This is now a question of not of values. Obviously, we would like to see a regime change, at least I would like to, in Iran, just as I would like to see in Iraq. The question now is a practical question. What is the best place to proceed? It is not a question of whether Iraq's regime should be taken out, but when should it be taken out. It is not a question of whether you would like to see a regime change in Iran, but how to achieve it.
Iran has something that Iraq does not have. Iran has, for example, 250,000 satellite dishes. It has Internet use. I once said to the heads of the CIA when I was Prime Minister that if you want to advance regime change in Iran, you do not have to go through the CIA cloak-and-dagger stuff. What you want to do is take very large, very strong transponders and just beam Melrose Place and Beverly Hills 90210 into Teheran and Iran. That is subversive stuff. The young kids watch it, the young people. They want to have the same nice clothes and houses and swimming pools and so on. That is something that is available, and internal forces of dissention that are available in Iran-- which is paradoxically probably the most open society in that part of the world. It is a lot more open than Iraq, which is probably the most closed society, and therefore you have no ability to foment this kind of dynamic inside Iraq.
So the question now is choose. You can beam Melrose Place, but it may take a long time. On the other hand, if you take out Saddam's regime, I guarantee you that it will have enormous positive reverberations on the region. And I think that people sitting right next door in Iran, young people and many others will say the time of such regimes of such despots is gone. There is a new age.
Mr. Tierney. Is that raw speculation on your part, or do you have some evidence to that effect?
Mr. Netanyahu. You know, I was asked the same question in 1986. I had written a book in which I had said that the way to deal with terrorist regimes--well, with terror was to deal with the terrorist regimes. And the way to deal with the terrorist regimes among other things was to apply military force against them.
Mr. Tierney. The way we did in Afghanistan.
Mr. Netanyahu. The way--I want to answer your question.
Mr. Tierney. I am running out of time, so I was quickly trying to get to that I think we have done what you proposed in Afghanistan, yet I haven't seen that neighborhood effect.
Mr. Netanyahu. I think there has been an enormous effect. The effect was--we were told that there would be a contrary effect. People said that there would be tens of thousands of people streaming into Afghanistan, zealots outraged by America's action, and this would produce a counterreaction in the Arab world----
Mr. Tierney. But I think you were saying when we take an action like we did in Afghanistan, we would see all the other countries fold.
Mr. Netanyahu. No, what we saw was something else. What we saw was everybody streaming out of Afghanistan. The second thing we saw was all the Arab countries and many the Muslim countries trying to side with America, to be OK with America.
The application of power is the most important thing in winning the war on terrorism. If I had to say what are the three principles of winning the war on terror, it is like what are the three principles of real estate: location, location, location. The three principles of winning the war on terror are the three Ws: winning, winning, and winning.
The more victories you amass, the easier the next victory becomes. The first victory in Afghanistan makes a second victory in Iraq that much easier. The second victory in Iraq will make the third victory that much easier, too, but it may change the nature of achieving that victory.
Mr. Tierney. May.
Mr. Netanyahu. It may be possible to have implosions take place. I don't guarantee it, Mr. Tierney, but I think it makes it more likely, and therefore I think the choice of Iraq is a good choice, it is the right choice.
Mr. Burton. Mrs. Morella.
Mrs. Morella. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Prime Minister Netanyahu. I am wondering about your understanding, sir, of the enmity among the main Iraqi factions, Shia, the Sunnis, the Kurds, and how difficult do you think that rebuilding Iraq would be, given these particular factions? And I wonder, do you think that a U.S.-led redevelopment of Iraq would significantly further destabilization in the Middle East?
Mr. Netanyahu. I was asked by you and by others what would happen after the ouster of Saddam, and I think that this is a vital question because I think it depends what the United States does.
If the United States merely goes in, throws out Saddam, and walks away, I think it will miss an important opportunity and actually not effect the true means of regime change. When I use the words ``regime change,'' I mean those words in their most fundamental meaning. Regime change. Change the nature of the regime. That is, not replace one dictator with another, but replace dictatorship with democracy or at least with democratization. This is the great opportunity that would be afforded to the Middle East, to the prospects of peace and development, to the Iraqi people themselves, and to others.
That is, if the United States, after ousting Saddam, seeks to advance a democratized Iraq, couples those political goals with an economic package to rebuild the infrastructure of Iraq, to advance it, to create small business grants and loans to create the spirit of entrepreneurship that very much characterized Iraq for many, many decades, actually for many centuries, then Iraq could be transformed. It may not be and may not become a Western democracy. I am not Pollyannaish about it, but when people say it is not possible to have democracy in a Muslim country, I say, oh, really? What about Turkey? And I say, well, OK, Turkey is not necessarily Luxembourg. That is true, but if I have to choose between Turkish-style democracy and Iranian-style theocracy or Saddam-style democracy where he gets 99 percent of the vote, I know what I would choose, and I know what you would choose, too.
That is really the task. The task and the great opportunity and challenge is not merely to effect the ouster of the regime, but also to transform that society and thereby begin the process of democratizing the Arab world. That is essential.
We can draw lessons from the struggle that the democracies led by the United States waged against another unreformed despotism with a militancy that knew no bounds through the use of force. I am talking about, of course, the battle against Hitlerism. Now, America, the first thing it said was, we have to oust Hitler. They did not ask what would happen afterwards, how will we deal with Germany, all the questions that come to mind later. They never asked that. The first thing--the palpable danger of this regime acquiring nuclear weapons was in their minds, and the threat to our civilization was in their minds. So first he had to go.
But they did not stop there. They went in there and imposed limitations on German sovereignty, some of which last to this very day. This put in the Marshall Plan. They had democratic elections, transition to the permanent democratic political system that we have in Germany today. And five, six decades later when you say, what is the protection against neonaziism, the reemergence of a new Hitler in Germany, is not American tanks or NATO soldiers; it is German democracy. There are neonazis there, but they are simply washed away by democracy.
We have a situation where the Arab world is cloistered. It does not have that ventilation. It has to choose between Saddam and the ayatollahs, between Arafat and the Hamas. And I think that the greatest achievement, the greatest change would take place and the greatest long-term protection against the return of another Saddam, another bin Laden, another Mullah Omar and, after Arafat is ousted, another Arafat, I think the greatest protection is to ventilate these societies with winds of freedom, democracy, or if I want to be realistic, democratization coupled with an economic package.
I think that should be the step against afterwards in Iraq, and I think it would actually stabilize Iraq. It might send a message. I think it will, to neighboring Iran, to neighboring Syria, and the people will wake up, and they will say, we can have a real life. We can have choice. Our children can have a future, that is not a bad idea.
Mrs. Morella. Can we do it alone?
Mr. Netanyahu. If you want to, you can do it alone, but I don't think you will do it, frankly. You will not do it alone for the simple reason that in these circumstances when you lead, others will follow. If you wait for them to join you, you will never lead. Lead, and they will follow.
Mr. Burton. Mr. Clay.
Mr. Clay. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Netanyahu, you said earlier that you did not like to be quoted, but I am going to quote you from a speech you gave before a Senate committee in April. ``Clearly the urgent need to topple Saddam is paramount. The commitment of America and Britain to dismantle this terrorist dictatorship before it obtains nuclear weapons deserves the unconditional support of all sane governments.''
Many analysts believe that the Gulf war ignited Islamic terrorist groups. If Saddam is toppled, will this action inflame Arab animosity toward the West and serve to empower terrorist groups throughout the Middle East? And in your opinion, do you really believe that Saddam can be removed from office without compounding terrorist forces?
Mr. Netanyahu. Mr. Clay, I happen to be one that thinks that, of what is spread and inflamed, Islamic fundamentalism or the twin events that took place 20 years ago, one is the establishment of the overtly Islamic Republic of Iran that fanned the flames of militant Islamism from the Philippines to Los Angeles worldwide and affecting, fortunately, a minority of Muslims but in many, many communities.
The second event was the victory of the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan over a superpower, thereby convincing, if you will, this brotherhood of Islamic fighters of which bin Laden was one, that the power of fanatic Islam could overcome any power, including that of a superpower.
I think these are the things that fueled, that rocketed Islamic fundamentalism and militant Islamic terror to their present proportions. I think that what compresses it is exactly the opposite of what fueled it. What fueled it was a sense of victory. What compresses it is a sense of defeat.
The crucial thing that drives the spread of militant Islam and militant Islamic terrorism is hope. It is hope that the doctrine will be able to achieve its designs of world domination and the crushing of enemies. The more that hope grows, the more militant Islam and militant Islamic terror grows. The more it is crushed, the more it compresses, the more, in the same proportion, the ability of these terrorists and these militants to recruit new recruits to their cause, that, too, is reduced proportionately.
I began to say to Mr. Tierney I think that--or to--I think it was Mr. Tierney. He asked me, well, you know, how do you know? I said that in 1986 I wrote a book that said you should take action against terror regimes, and that would tend to compress them and their activities. Apparently, it turns out that President Reagan had read this book. I don't know if he read it before he decided to strike Libya or after, but, nevertheless, Secretary Shultz wrote to me and he said that this made a profound impression on him. Somehow word got out that I was advocating this.
So after the United States bombed Libya, I was interviewed by CBS, by Mr. Rather. Dan Rather interviewed me, and he interviewed a noted Arabist analyst, and he asked what would happen now after this American bombing of Libya? And the Arabist--I think it was Patrick Seal--said there will be more terrorism, terrorism will grow, the Islamic masses will be inflamed, American embassies would be burned, Qadhafi would become a hero, and he would make more terrorism. I think I am giving him a fair paraphrasing of his remarks.
Then Mr. Rather he asked me, what do I think would happen? And I said, nothing. Nothing would happen. American embassies will not be burned. Qadhafi would crawl into his hole. He would be very careful in committing any more terrorist acts, not because he is not a terrorist but because he might die. He almost did in that raid. And people will respect American power. In fact, what that single action did was to produce a complete cessation, nearly a complete cessation of terrorism from Libya. He tried one clandestine act, was caught in the process and of course didn't do anything since, but Libya has avoided this because of that action.
In short, what I am arguing is that the application of American resolve and force, preferably with other countries, but the application of that force against militant Islam and against militant Islamic terrorism is the only way to compress it. There is no other way to compress it.
But I am also arguing that, in the long run, what you have to do is to get at the sources of fanning the hatred, the sources that fan the hatred, the regimes that propagate the creed, and where else, where better to begin the process of changing these regimes than in the places where you are going to change them anyway? You can go, of course, to other places in the Arab and Muslim world in which you are not engaged directly in the conflict today. I would not advise that.
I would say, use the opportunity of eliminating the nuclear threat from Iraq and begin a regime change there. Use the opportunity of a regime change in what I call ``Arafatistan'' when we have a new regime there to begin a process of democratization, a process of economic reconstruction and open opportunity, political and economic for the people. Use that in order to begin to change the political culture that is so close to being closed, have it ventilated.
That, ultimately, is the protection; and I think that will create not inflaming of masses but the dousing of the hatred that has systematically sprayed from these regime centers.
Mr. Clay. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Burton. Thank you, Mr. Clay.
Mr. Lewis.
Mr. Lewis. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Prime Minister, I would just like to ask--it seems pretty obvious on its face, but I am going to ask this question: Why is Saddam Hussein creating these weapons of mass destruction? Why is he in such a rush to get his hands on nuclear weapons? He doesn't have a means to deliver a nuclear weapon, but it seems to me that he has some plans, he has some goals. So, as I say, it is pretty obvious. But it seems like there are those who probably do not understand his intentions.
I think some of our allies--and if you look at the situation with the United Nations, he has continued to deny them the opportunity for inspections. So it seems like that there is a good reason for why he is persisting in this course.
Mr. Netanyahu. Mr. Lewis, he is not developing those weapons to win the Peace Prize. hMr. Lewis. Yes. Where do you think he would be more likely to direct those weapons through a terrorist organization?
Mr. Netanyahu. It depends on how confident he feels. Just imagine, suppose he had a nuclear weapon. Suppose we had not knocked out the Osirak reactor, that he would have developed by the late 1970's, or the late 1980's, he would have developed a nuclear bomb, a lot before that. Now he devours Kuwait, which he did. It is not clear to me that we would have had a Gulf war, because he would have brandished that weapon right up front, and he would have said, go ahead, make my day, or whatever he would say, OK?
Of course, the United States would now be caught in a tremendous bind. Because if he had that weapon, he doesn't necessarily need--in the age of terrorism, he doesn't need ballistic missiles to reach the United States. First of all, he is developing ballistic missiles, but he could equally use terror proxies to deliver a payload here.
I had written in 1996 that the danger of militant Islam and these regimes and the terrorist organizations is not understood in the West. I said that because of the proliferation of these adherents in the West then these regimes do not need ICBMs because they, the terrorists, will be the delivery system. They themselves could deliver a payload.
And I said, too--and here again you are catching me quoting myself because, well, people like to quote themselves. What can I do? I said that the next thing you will see is not a car bomb in the basement of the World Trade Center. I said the next thing you will see is a nuclear bomb in the World Trade Center. Well, I wasn't exactly right. They didn't use a nuclear bomb. They used two airplanes stocked with fuel. It is like a small tactical bomb.
That is what they used, and that is what Saddam could use. Once he has the weapon, he has the choice. He could flaunt it, he could use it, he could let others use it, he could have delivery systems in the West that do not require missiles, he could put it on top of a missile.
Do we want to wait? Is the issue that we want to wait and find out? Do we have any doubt that he is developing? To be honest and fair--and I must be honest and fair. This is not a court of law. This is not a question of legalisms. It is a question of a realistic assessment of a threat, a probable threat to our common civilization.
There is no question whatsoever that Saddam is seeking and is working and is advancing toward the development of nuclear weapons, no question whatsoever. There is no question that once he acquires it, history shifts immediately.
I will give you an example to drive this point home, and I will do something that--well, I am a private citizen, so I will say this. Now, just imagine, imagine that the Taliban takes over Pakistan. Pakistan is alleged to have nuclear weapons. Now imagine that the Taliban would have atomic weapons. Imagine that you could forestall it. Would you forestall it, Mr. Lewis? Don't you think this is a catastrophic development?
Mr. Lewis. Absolutely.
Mr. Netanyahu. You see, all nuclear proliferation is bad, but some of it is a lot worse. If Holland acquires nuclear weapons, it is not the same thing as the Taliban or Saddam or Iran, the Ayatollah acquiring nuclear weapons, or Qadhafi. It is fundamentally different. Because these regimes have no compunction whatsoever in the use of these mass weapons. Saddam himself has shown that he was willing to gas people, one of the few instances since the 1920's when gas warfare was used.
You cannot rely on the concerns, on the--I would say on the mechanisms that inhibit the use of these weapons that apply elsewhere. Even in nondemocracies there are such inhibitions. What you have here are single-man regimes, typically, without the political, military, and scientific buffers that always provide a hedge between the leadership and pressing that button. Here it is Saddam's whim. He decides. He pushes the button. He has a peculiar way of resolving issues like that.
During the Gulf war, there was a debate, a problem of some medical shortages. He was sitting in the cabinet room, he called the health minister to the other room, and he killed him. He could press the button, he can press the trigger.
The emergence of nuclear weapons--that is, single-man regimes or zealot, tyrannical, terroristic regimes that acquire nuclear weapons is an enormous threat to our civilization. I cannot stress that enough.
I am not speaking here as a partisan, because we don't have--am I speaking as an Israeli? Yes. But I am speaking here as a citizen of the free world, as a citizen of a world that is entering dangers that are not yet understood. It is not important that we meet here in 10 years and I will quote what I said here today, because if they had nuclear weapons on September 11th, we couldn't meet here.
Mr. Lewis. Well, I think the question was asked after September 11th of last year, why didn't we know and why didn't we do something? I think we can be forgiven for being caught off guard the first time, but I don't think we can be forgiven when we know, we absolutely know that a man like Saddam Hussein has that kind of power and has all the will to put those weapons in the hands of terrorists and we don't do something about it. I don't think we can be forgiven for that.
Thank you, sir.
Mr. Burton. Thank you, Mr. Lewis.
Ms. Watson.
Ms. Watson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I am sitting here, and I am very troubled. We were attacked a year ago on September 11th by what we thought was a group called al Qaeda led by Osama bin Laden. I don't hear his name anymore. We launched a response to an attack on the continental United States. I don't hear his name anymore.
We have not won a war in Afghanistan. We don't know whether Osama bin Laden is dead or alive. No one has given us any proof. We do not know where the al Qaeda cells are around the globe. All of a sudden, we are no longer looking for him.
I think they brought off a brilliant scheme. Our most prestigious intelligence group in the world could not warn us, and we did nothing. So I am troubled, because we have won no war against the terrorists. It seems to me that we are focusing on somebody who is in a neighborhood who has weapons of mass destruction, but the circumstances could describe India; Pakistan, in their squabble over Kashmir; Iran and several other places in the world, but we are focusing on Saddam Hussein and Iraq.
There is an orderly process that seems to be overlooked in all of this. I was very fascinated to hear Kofi Annan today; and, in essence, he was saying that only the United Nations can give any legitimacy to any type of action by one country against another.
We tried to change the leadership in Cuba. We had the Bay of Pigs, if you remember, trying to go after Fidel Castro. He is only 90 miles off our coast. Now we are trying to choose a new regime and a new leadership in Iraq.
There is no guarantee that we are going to gain a democratic leadership in Iraq. But what really troubles me is that we are going to go against the orderly process, a diplomatic effort, and we are going to become aggressors in a neighborhood that we are not even part of.
Listening to you, Mr. Prime Minister, I would think you are building up a great case for Israel to be the aggressor and we are your allies. But as a member of the United Nations, we then will violate the process that we bought into, and that is very troubling to me.
Oh, I know all about the danger that Iraq presents, but I don't know and I feel very uncomfortable in going this alone without the support of the United Nations. Since we, and you, are a member of the United Nations, we violate the orderly process. Would you comment, please?
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes. Well, I think the first question is, do you want to merely avenge September 11th or do you want to win the war on terror? If you want to stop with September 11th, go after al Qaeda----
Ms. Watson. Can you connect the dots for me between the aggressors on September 11th? The aggressors. This is my question.
Mr. Netanyahu. And I will answer it. I think that there are now developing enormous threats, not merely to Israel. Israel was attacked because it is seen as a frontline, a frontal position of the United States.
They hate us because they hate you. They hate you because of us, that, too; but the main reason they hate us is because they have hated you, and for these militants they have hated you for about 2 centuries and the West for about 5 centuries. So there is a hatred of the United States. That hatred has produced that attack.
That attack by bin Laden is something that you want obviously to punish and, in many ways, you did the first thing that is required. You took down the Taliban regime, and now bin Laden has scattered. I do not think he is going to be effective, because he needs territory to work from. He is on the run. It is very hard to work when you are on the run, when you have no inviolable territory.
I suppose he is like kind of a Dr. Goebbels after the collapse of the Nazi regime. So apprehending him is obviously important. It is also a matter of justice. Apprehending Goebbels was a matter of justice.
But if you start taking away the regimes that could serve his purpose--for example, I was told by your members here that al Qaeda, some of them are in Iran. Deprive that base, there is no international terrorism of any kind. Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, Hamas--you name them, all of them--there is no international terrorism if you take away the support of sovereign states, and the sovereign states are a few. If you want to win the war, you just have to neutralize these states.
In neutralizing them, you have two options. It is like when Kamikaze fighters are coming at you and bombing you. You can shoot one, you can shoot the other, but if you really want to stop it, you have to shoot down the aircraft carriers. There are only a handful of aircraft carriers.
Now, when I say shoot down, you have really two options. You can either deter or destroy. Saddam has not been deterred. He has not been deterred. He has not been deterred by inspections, he has not been deterred by--even by your threats. He devoured Kuwait like that. And once he possesses nuclear weapons I assure you he will not be deterred. You will be deterred. That is the difference.
So I think if you want to win the broader war on terror, you have to get rid of these regimes.
Now the question you asked, and I think it is an important one, you said what about the U.N.? The U.N. is the one that should give you the legitimacy, and I think Kofi Annan, who happens--personally, I am very close to him and a friend of his, but I take issue with his claim today that the U.N. offers--only the U.N. offers unique legitimacy.
Well, yes, it offers something unique. I mean, this is an organization where Libya is chairing the Commission for Human Rights and where Syria chaired the Security Council. It is a fact that the U.N. has failed time and again, failed time and again to act against aggression at times, often in fact siding with the aggressors.
And the reason that is the case is something that was seen over 2 centuries ago by a great thinker like Immanuel Kant. He said that an amalgamation of dictatorships and democracies together would not protect peace, because dictatorships tend toward war and only democracies tend toward peace, and he was right. And the United Nations, unfortunately, is such an amalgamation. It failed. It failed in the case of preventing Saddam from almost acquiring a nuclear bomb; and when we bombed that, the U.N. attacked us.
By the way, I said that the entire world condemned us, but that is not exactly true. Because I am told that sort of in the bowels of some of the main security organizations of the U.S. Government, they were following this when we struck at Osirak. And at the time Saddam was calling--he never used the name ``Israel.'' He always said the Zionist entity. I think the movie Raiders of the Lost Arc or, sorry, the Empire Strikes Back was making its heyday then.
So, anyway, when they heard that Israel had struck at Iraq, they said, hooray, the entity strikes back. But, nevertheless, the formal position of the United States, the formal position of the U.N. condemned Israel, was about to place sanctions on Israel. So the U.N. in this case and in many cases simply has not been able to overcome the debilitating weaknesses inside it, notwithstanding the goals and ideals of the charter, hobble its ability to be effective in stopping aggression.
Aggression has been stopped in the last 100 years not by the U.N. and not by the League of Nations, its predecessor. It simply crumbled and died effectively in the mid-1930's, unable to stop the totalitarian aggression. Aggression has been stopped only when the key democratic countries were able and willing to act. When they were unable and unwilling to act, no international structure was sufficient. That happened in the first half of the 20th century. It must not be allowed to happen in the first half of the 21st century.
I think we are fortunate to have the United States, whose people and leadership and, I think, a broad spread of leadership, a bipartisan leadership, understand that this aggression has to be stopped and stopped in time.
Ms. Watson. May I just followup with this last--one last question?
Mr. Burton. Well, OK.
Ms. Watson. So that I might quote you accurately, are you saying that we are to circumvent the United Nations and not seek a legitimate process through the United Nations but that the United States needs to go it alone? I just want you to clarify what you are saying.
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes. I am saying that you can seek U.N. support, and it would be good to have it, but I wouldn't make a precondition of eliminating Saddam's regime before it acquires nuclear weapons. Because if you make it a condition, you will never reach it.
Mr. Burton. Mr. Shays.
Mr. Shays. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate your very generous 5-minute rule here.
Mr. Netanyahu. Is the 5-minute rule on you or on me? I am sorry.
Mr. Shays. No----
Mr. Burton. He is taking a little poke at the chairman, but that is all right.
Mr. Shays. No, no, I am not taking a poke. I am just trying to condition for the fact that I may take 10 minutes instead of 5.
I want to first say to you, Mr. Netanyahu, you had been warning the world, not just the United States, about terrorism for decades. You have had a lonely journey, not unlike Churchill, frankly, in the 1930's. I happen to think that you are dead on, and it is a privilege to be able to ask you some questions, but I have a number----
Mr. Netanyahu. Thank you.
Mr. Shays [continuing]. But I first wanted to make a statement.
We knew that Saddam Hussein had a robust chemical, biological and nuclear program before the war in the Gulf. We knew he had it after. And we knew that he kicked out the inspectors when we were successfully dismantling his chemical, biological and nuclear program. We know that for a fact.
We also know that he had a delivery system for chemical and biological agents; and while that was more quiet in the past, it is now very clearly public information.
So I am left with drawing this conclusion: Why would the burden have to be on those who say that he is still continuing these programs? Why shouldn't the burden be on those who claim that he has stopped? Because no one can give me even a scintilla of possibility that he has changed his mind-set and changed his ways. I would love a short answer to that, because I have some followups.
Mr. Netanyahu. I have nothing to add to your very acute reasoning here, but I do want to say that the last point, one of the points, if we are connecting the dots, is that intelligence, including from defectors who say exactly what you are saying, that he is absolutely committed, pushing with all of his power, to develop these weapons. So you must ask, OK, if we want to take Newtonian physics, if an object is moving in a certain direction with a certain momentum, there has to be something that will make him change his mind. What is it? The kicking out of the monitors? No.
Mr. Shays. Let me ask you this. In 1981 I was a State legislator. I was frankly shocked that there was a preemptive strike. I voiced my concern as a State legislator. Not that it mattered much, but I just--when the press asked me, I said I am shocked by it.
One of my first briefings when I got elected in 1987 was my interest in understanding that raid; and after our people described it to me, I figuratively got down on my knees and said, why didn't we congratulate and thank them for doing it? This gets into this whole issue then--in other words, Israel. This gets into this whole issue of preemption.
We knew that we had an ally, the Soviet Union, who became our enemy, socially, politically, economically and militarily. We developed--we knew what the threat was. We developed a strategy, and it was reactive, it was containment, reactive, mutually assured destruction. Now that went out--clearly went out the window on September 11th. I mean, that was the one question that I didn't have an answer to. There was no red line. That is what we learned from the terrorists.
Now, it strikes me that we have to know the threat, as all three commissions have told us, we have to have a strategy, and then we reorganize.
I don't see how we can come to any other conclusion that the strategy has to be preemptive. And I would say to my colleague, the Ambassador, who I understand where she is coming from, but it strikes me--and I was surprised by my own majority leader being surprised that we can't do preemptive. What other choice is there in combating terrorism if it is not preemptive?
And I will just qualify it with one other point, color it in a little bit.
At that very table we had a noted scientist who said his biggest fear was that a small group of dedicated scientists could create a biological agent, an altered biological agent that would wipe out humanity as we know it. We were all struck with the fact that if a country allows that to happen, what are we going to do? Just wait until it happens? It has to be preemptive. Is there any other choice but preemptive?
Mr. Netanyahu. I think not, but I think that there are two, three reasons why that is the case.
The first reason is that you have now--when you have--here is the situation where you have to go through and oust the regime, as opposed to deter it. One, you may have a regime that is not deterable. For example, if it has a penchant for suicide, you cannot rely on deterrence, because if the regime is willing to die a collective death for the glory of their twisted version of Islam, it is not going to work. Or if there are people within it who are moving in that direction, deterrence may not necessarily work.
The second is a regime that knows no limits to the use of force, that it simply completely is committed to that force. A good example of that is the Nazi regime. No matter what you did to it, as long as it lived, as long as Hitler breathed, as long as that clique was there, it simply would not stop. You had to oust it.
And the third situation where you must change the regime is that, if you don't, you cannot begin to effect a societal change.
I think the removal of the dangers--I don't think you can rely on deterrence when it comes to most of the terror network. I think this is what distinguished it from, say, the Communists. You know, the Communists, you could deter them. It was very easy. They were very rational. I don't think they were pursuing any rational goal, but they pursued it rationally. Any time they had to choose between their ideology and their survival, they chose their survival. They backed up--Berlin, whatever, Cuba.
CLAIM: 'ISLAMIC TERRORISTS' are IRRATIONAL (Kantian like the Jews were 'irrational' to the Nazis)
The ability of Islam is that you cannot rely on that they will make that decision, because they will go down with the ship.
They have no compunction of killing people on this side of the aisle but also quite a few of their own.
You never heard of a Communist suicide bomber, but militant Islam produces hordes of them.
So when you have a regime system that is not susceptible to deterrence, you have no choice but to take it out.
But what does ``taking it out'' mean? It means--and this is, I think, my answer to you, Congressman Shays. It means that you cannot just have regime removal. You really have to have regime change in the fundamental meaning of that word. You really have to start changing the mentality, the poison, toxified mentality that these regimes have put into the minds of millions, hundreds of millions, and that is the real task, the great challenge. Now, if you don't, then it is a question of time where you will have suitcase devices of mass death. You can have biological devices, you can have nuclear devices. It is just a question of time.
So the ultimate protection--and I come back to the example of Germany. The ultimate protection that you won't have it, that you won't have a new Hitlerism, is the ventilation of German society by democracy. The long-term protection--and it is not foolproof, but we have to try--is, once the regimes are ousted, it is to begin the process of democratization in these places which harbor this militancy today.
Mr. Shays. Let me just ask in one other area here, and it does strike me that, based on your testimony, that preemption is required somewhere, but if you have a preemptive strike in one place, it may not--it may result in not needing a preemptive strike elsewhere.
But I want to ask you about Abu Nidal in Baghdad. I am struck by the fact that, in a sense, Saddam was trying to destroy the evidence. I mean, he is one of the most vicious terrorists, and I am struck by the fact that Osama bin Laden, what he did was he united terrorists. There wasn't just one type of terrorist from one country in Afghanistan. He brought them all together. There was a network. I am just interested to know your feeling about that so-called suicide. Is it possible that Saddam was basically trying to destroy any evidence? That, somehow, he is protecting terrorists and giving us then legitimacy in going in?
Mr. Netanyahu. It is possible, but I can't tell you about that specific case. But I can tell you that the terrorists and the terror regimes, they are all--they are all connected, sometimes loosely, sometimes tightly. For example, you know that Osama bin Laden, first of all, enjoyed a domicile in Afghanistan. Actually, they moved from the Sudan to Afghanistan. He has to have a place. Once he had that place, he moved from there, for example, to Lebanon where he had meetings with Hezbollah who were tied in with Palestinian terrorists. So bin Laden was trying to penetrate our area as well as through Hezbollah, other areas.
Mr. Shays. So the key point is he had a network and he was kind of the president.
Mr. Netanyahu. Yes, but the key point is this. I don't care how many networks he has. If he doesn't have regimes that give him an inviolable place where he doesn't have to run and hide all the time, his effectiveness goes down the tubes very fast. That is the key thing. If you take away the sovereign states, you bring down--you just bring down this whole structure of international terrorism.
But what you don't know is you cannot prevent the reemergence of this madness 20 years or 30 years or 15 years from now. The only way you can do that is by making sure that when you bring down the regime, instead of replacing one dictator with another, you begin a different process that is distinguished around the world everywhere, except up there, everywhere you have democracy sweeping the world, everywhere you have the United States pressing for democratization.
It has been a spectacular success. I mean, the whole world is democratized. You have democratized Latin America, and if anyone veers there, you go down gangsters on them. Russia is democratized. You are seeking human rights and democratization in China, South Africa, Mongolia, Albania. Everybody is democratizing, except this one area. This one area remains, and it is a big one, with these poisonous regimes in there, remains untouched. And in the gurgly caldron of this mad zealotry are brewing the new bin Ladens, the new suicide bombers from the Arafats and the Talibans and the bin Ladens of this world.
You can't leave it that way. You can't just go into the caldron, pick up the Taliban and throw him out and get a new one. You have to turn over the pot. You have to do something else. You have to start a different process.
Mr. Shays. Thank you.
Mr. Burton. Thank you, Mr. Shays.
Mr. Waxman.
Mr. Waxman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Prime Minister, we have known each other for many years; and I have always held you in the highest regard and with great respect and admired your eloquence and with none more so than on the two occasions you appeared before this committee--today and then right after September 11th. And at your last appearance, you articulated the empathy and the solidarity with the United States as a fellow victim of terrorism, because Israel has been suffering from terrorist attacks before September 11th and even more since September 11th.
So the United States and Israel share not only that, but the reason we share that is we share values of democracy, of pluralism, of respect for individual rights, and so your enemies are our enemies and our enemies are also your enemies.
Today we are talking about Saddam Hussein not just here, but the President of the United States before the United Nations. And he has said to the United Nations, as an international body, isn't it their obligation, he has said, to enforce the rules and resolutions that they have adopted that have been flaunted by Saddam Hussein? Now, I certainly hope that the United Nations wouldn't hobble themselves and live up to the responsibility that they have to insist--in fact, demand--that Saddam Hussein open up his country to full, unfettered inspections and end any kind of weapons that he might have.
The question I want to ask you is, is there a value as you see it from an Israeli perspective for the U.N. to act in concert with the United States in going against Saddam Hussein, one, to stop what he is doing to develop these weapons? And, second, should there have to be a military action to rebuild Iraq after Saddam Hussein?
Mr. Netanyahu. Congressman Waxman, there would be much value if you could rely on it. I don't want to pull rank, but I spent 4 years in the U.N. and a hell of a lot of time on the Security Council, and I cannot tell you that this is necessarily a bastion of responsibility. On occasion, not very frequent, the U.N. does the right thing, but on many occasions, it does the wrong thing. This is an organization that branded Zionism as racism. You know, it is what Abba Eban once said, that, you know, that if the Arab countries put before the U.N. a resolution that the earth is flat, it will be passed by the U.N. That problem of inconsistency is what plagues this issue.
Now you have a question, I think a different question: Is it desirable to get U.N. support? The answer is, absolutely yes. The question I put forward is, is it a precondition for such action? Suppose you try, you give it some time, it doesn't happen. What do you do then?
Now, there are two ways of trying. One is you talk to them. They either do it or they do not do it. The other is you actually try to press forward a resolution and somebody, one of the permanent members, vetoes it and maybe passes another resolution. So now you may be actually working against a failed resolution or even an antagonistic resolution of the U.N. Well, an antagonistic resolution, one of those you could always block at the Security Council, but a failed resolution is different.
Mr. Waxman. I want to certainly say that if the United Nations doesn't live up to its responsibilities, that shouldn't preclude the United States from living up to its responsibilities.
Mr. Netanyahu. I fully agree with you.
Mr. Waxman. And then the question is, what actions we should take; and the President has argued that we need a regime change in Iraq because Saddam is clear in his motives to want to dominate the Middle East and particularly the oil wealth by virtue of having a nuclear bomb which he is actively working to achieve.
Now you said one of the reasons Israel is so concerned about all of this is there are things that happen if you do take action and things that happen if you don't. Israel, everyone expects, will be the victim of Saddam Hussein's last gasp to stay in power, and you argue that the United States should be working with Israel to deal with that circumstance should it happen.
I absolutely agree that it is essential that the United States and Israel work closely in concert, as we have in the past and as we need to in the future, to deal with terrorism and, God forbid, any kind of use of weapons of mass destruction short of nuclear weapons by Saddam Hussein. But let me examine a couple of things that have been thrown out in the debate here in the United States.
Some people have said if we go after Saddam Hussein, it is diverting us from the war on terrorism. How do you answer that?
Mr. Netanyahu. I don't think so. I think it helps you enormously, because in the mind-set of the terrorists and the people they wish to recruit, there is a common front, as I said, of a handful of states and actually not a much larger number of organizations. So if you start taking them one by one, taking them on, deterring some, destroying others, you are sending a message to the entire terror network.
I would put it just as a victory for terrorism anywhere in any part of the terror network emboldens the entire terror network. A defeat of any part of the terror network discourages the terror network and makes it lose its head of steam. It is exactly opposite the advice that I suppose you are hearing from some that, if you take action, you will inflame more militancy and more terrorism.
My experience has been the exact opposite, the exact opposite. You might have an exchange for a while of blows and counterblows, but if you are persistent and you are applying your power concertedly and consistently, you will douse the flames. Is douse to dampen?
Mr. Waxman. Yes.
Mr. Netanyahu. All right. You will douse the flames.
My English is rusty, you know, Henry.
Mr. Waxman. Let me ask you another question that has been talked about, this doctrine of preemptive action.
Some people have said preemptive action is appropriate if there is an imminent threat, but the President today said of the United States that he is worried about the gathering danger. He didn't say an imminent threat, but the gathering danger.
Now, how do we decide when preemptive action is appropriate? Saddam Hussein is working on weapons of mass destruction. So is Iran. Syria is much more active in helping Hezbollah and Hamas as part of the terrorist network. Do we follow this doctrine of preemptive action beyond Saddam Hussein? Do all of these countries merit preemptive action by us, and how do we distinguish?
Mr. Netanyahu. Probably not. Not because they don't merit it in moral terms, but because you wouldn't need it. I think the first question you ask is, how limited is it? Do you want to wait and find out? The answer is no. You had what I called here the wake-up call from hell, but you don't have to wait until hell rushes you and meets you in the face. It already has, in effect. So on the question of time, I think the sooner, the better.
But now the question is, when you choose a target, I think Iraq brings two things, a confluence of two things. One, it is sufficiently important in this network to have a tremendous effect. If it collapses, it will have a beneficial seismic effect, quite the contrary of what is being described. And the second thing is that it happens to be one of the two and now, as we have learned, one of the three regimes that is racing to build nuclear weapons. So you get two birds with one stone. You knock out a main developer of nuclear arms in the tyranny work and you also send reverberations across the network.
So if I had to choose, yes, I would choose that. Is Iran less dangerous? No. Is it more dangerous? Maybe. Certainly not less dangerous. But would I counsel necessarily a preemptive strike to Iran? I am not sure. I would be very careful about that. I think that there is a great deal of possibility of internal processes of change in Iran that simply do not exist in Saddam Hussein.
Do you remember that at the end of the Gulf war there was an assumption within certain corners of the American government that having been dealt this blow, without regime change, without bringing him down, that there would be an internal revolt, so to speak, in Iraq? But this was wishful thinking, because Iraq simply--it is a police state without any ability to foment the kind of process that occurred in fact in Iran and the downfall of the Shah.
Iran has that ability and, therefore, you shouldn't apply force--I will say this: You shouldn't apply force indiscriminately, and certainly for the application of force, against Palestinian terrorism, against Iraq and so on, but I think that force should be applied judiciously. That is, it should be applied with great resolution, with great force, but at that part of the front, so to speak, where you will get maximum effect; and I think this is the case with Iraq. This is why the relevant question is not whether the others merit punishment but where the application of force will do the most good, and that is what I think we are discussing here.
Mr. Waxman. Thank you very much. You have given us testimony that will help us think through these very difficult issues; and it has been very, very helpful.
Mr. Netanyahu. Thank you very much.
Mr. Burton. Thank you, Mr. Waxman.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
It is a pleasure to see you again, Mr. Prime Minister.
Mr. Netanyahu. Thank you.
Mr. Lantos. My colleagues have raised many of the issues that I wanted to raise, but I would like to go at them in a somewhat different way, so if you will bear with me, and I will be happy with whatever length of response you give me.
Much of this debate in Europe, the United Nations and, to some extent, in this country about Saddam Hussein has the quality of people discussing the merits of an abstract painting. You like it, I don't like it, this is what I like, this is what I don't like about it. I find this extremely disturbing because, obviously, with vis-a-vis Saddam Hussein, we are looking at a record, his historic record, which there is no point repeating, because we are all aware of it: what he did to his own people, what he did in the beginning of the war against Iran in which hundreds of thousands on both sides died, the gassing of his own people, the attack on Kuwait, the attempted assassination of our own former President, the list is long.
But every one of us in this body, every one of us in the public arena who deal with foreign affairs also brings a record.
Now, I was intrigued by your discussion with Mr. Shays concerning preemption; and I am delighted to tell my good friend who joined this body many years after I did that when your air force took out the Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak the following day I gave a floor speech in the Congress commending that action. Because it was self-evident that, without preemption, Iraq would have proceeded with a program of developing nuclear weapons, and the Persian Gulf war could have turned out quite differently, because the civilized world could well have faced a nuclear-equipped Iraq and might not have been willing to undertake a war against a nuclear-equipped Iraq.
So it seems to me that the President's speech today at the United Nations--and I don't know if you have had a chance to see it or read it--was right on target, and I think the enemies of the United States would be well-advised to understand that there is enormous bipartisan support for the President's position vis-a-vis Iraq. And when the President comes before us within the next few weeks or months with a proposal to obtain congressional approval, while he is unlikely to get the almost unanimous approval that he got against the war on terrorism a year ago--my friend and colleague Henry Hyde and I sat in the manager's chair for 9\1/2\ hours because everybody wanted to speak on this issue. We had one negative vote. We are likely to have more negative votes than one--but there is little doubt in my mind that there will be overwhelming bipartisan, bicameral approval when the proposal comes before us.
Now, one of the many criticisms of the concept of preemption stems from our rather naive historic imagery of chivalry as part and parcel of military activities. Some people still feel that chivalry is not dead, that Saddam Hussein will act according to the appropriate rules and procedures, and it is so self-evident to even the most superficial observer of recent history that it is only his capability or lack of it which prevents him from striking out with whatever force he has. So the notion of preemption is not just an option, it is mandated by the nature of this new enemy. This is a new kind of enemy, and to apply the rules of 17th century chivalry to the regime of Saddam Hussein to me appears to be absurd.
I would like to ask you to comment, if you would, about the public views and private views of many Arab leaders that has been commented on in the media, but perhaps those of us who occasionally or frequently meet with Arab leaders are personally exposed to this profound dichotomy, a totally different private view of a possible strike against Iraq and an utterly divergent public view.
First of all, do you agree that is, in fact, what is happening, that many of the Arab leaders are really telling totally different stories in private and in public? In private, they are saying, go to it, we can hardly wait to get rid of him, we will be supportive in whatever way we can, but publicly denouncing this possible action.
The second thing I would be grateful if you could comment on is a chronological question. Some of the opponents of regime change in Iraq argue that it may not be too difficult to change the regime in Iraq in a military sense, not a cake walk but not overwhelmingly difficult, but that what comes after it we have no idea about, and how long we may have to stay there, nobody knows. I am puzzled by these objections, because when North Korea attacked South Korea and almost took over the whole country, the South Koreans were able to maintain a small perimeter around this port city of Pusan, and now we are back to the 30th parallel. We have been there for almost a half a century.
The question to be asked is, would we prefer a Communist North Korea regime-controlled Korean peninsula to this very long-term commitment that we had to make? It is costly, it is cumbersome, we don't like it, but it seems to me that it is infinitely preferable to have at least half of the peninsula today free and open and democratic and pro-western than to have the regime in the north run this whole Korean peninsula.
My view is that whether we are talking about the cold war, which lasted two generations, our military involvement in Korea, which is now into its third generation, and long-term, rational commitments of our resources, preferable to accepting extreme fanatical, irrational regimes, developing weapons of mass destruction as the alternative?
Mr. Netanyahu. The answer to your second question is clearly that I agree with you. I think--imagine--we know what is happening in that half of the Korean peninsula, because this regime that is at a starvation level, probably the lowest GDP per capita on earth, is busy developing nuclear weapons and missiles and then exporting it to the other terror regimes. So there is something developing, Congressman Lantos, which I think is certainly developed in my thinking.
Kant
I am a Kantian, as you can see by my references to Kant, and Kant basically said 200 years ago that the way to secure world peace--in his great essay that he wrote, Perpetual Peace, he said the only way to do it is to distinguish between democracies and dictatorships. Understand that whereas democracies tend toward peace because they reflect the will of the majority, dictatorships tend toward war, because a dictator gets to be a dictator by practicing aggression toward his own people, so he will do it to others, too.
Kant said basically that the only way you could have peace with dictatorships--he said peace with democracy is automatic and self-sustaining, but peace with dictatorships can be purchased, he said, by deterrence, deterrence not by the United Nations, but what he called the League of Free Nations, which means the democracies banding together to deter aggression or roll it back if deterrence failed, which is essentially NATO.
What didn't happen opposite Germany happened vis-a-vis a far greater dictatorship of a much more powerful dictatorship of Soviet Russia and it worked, a cold peace. We called it the cold war, but it was a cold peace, a peace of deterrence.
I have come to the conclusion that, faced with these types of regimes who may be undeterable, there really is, in the long run, only one kind of peace; that is the peace of democracies or, if you will, the peace of democratization. Because if you have these territories in which madness rules, in which they develop botulisms that they will put in Manhattan or Washington or suitcase nuclear devices that will detonate in the cities of the West, that you not only have to preempt and oust these regimes but you really have to begin this process of democratization.
So I think Kant was right for 2 centuries, but I think in the 21st century we may have to go back to a democratic peace, period.
I think this relates to your question, are we willing to pay the price? Well, I think freedom has its price, and our security has its price. I tend to think that the American people--I tend to agree with you from my visits to the United States and even my talk in the corridors of Congress, I think there is a solid majority who understand that action must be taken, sometimes with a shorter time horizon, sometimes with a longer time horizon, both going back and going forward on the need to secure our world. But I think that, yes, you have to pay the price for freedom.
On the question of the private and public opinions of Arab leaders, it is well-known that not only on this issue but on many issues there is a divergence, simply because there isn't pluralism in Arab public political life. There is a party line that is enhanced and enforced by a collection of dictatorships, usually, and so people don't deviate from it.
In the case, however, of Saddam, I see the following. I see something somewhat different than this dualism. In 1991, there was practical Arab unanimity on the need to roll back Saddam from Kuwait. Saddam had devoured an Arab country, and every country thought it would be his next target. Therefore, they proceeded to support the extradition of Kuwait from Iraq's gullet, and there was perfect unanimity and even public unanimity in the presence of Arab countries in the coalition.
A decade later, you see something else. Some of them--and the more democratized, the more liberal these leaders are--want to see Saddam go. Some of them may be even his closest neighbors, but they won't say it openly. But others, many others, fear that if Saddam goes then he will be replaced. That regime will begin a regime change in the broader sense of the word; that is, the process of democratization in the Arab world. That is why you are getting a much broader consensus, not uniform and not totally private but pretty broad and private, against an American action, because the regimes themselves are fearful of the dynamic of freedom.
Again, this doesn't apply to all of them. Some of them are much closer to liberalizing their societies than others. But I think this is a dynamic that now occurs.
In any case, if I had--you know, asking for an Arab consensus, public or any other type, before you take on Saddam is actually a little worse than waiting for a U.N. consensus. Actually, it is a lot worse, and some things you just do the right thing, and I think America is about to do the right thing.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you very much.
Mr. Shays [presiding]. Thank you Mr. Netanyahu. Do you have time for a few more questions?
Mr. Netanyahu. I have all the time in the world, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Shays. Thank you. I do want to say that the Chairman was very sorry that he did have to leave and was grateful that you were willing to spend your day or afternoon with this committee and he wanted me to convey that.
You had mentioned that it would be our responsibility to-- Israel would clearly become the target if there was a preemptive strike against Iraq. I have a sense that if the United States and others were able to push the border of his activity closer to Baghdad that most of the missiles would not reach Israel, but the point you made was that we would need to help you acquire smallpox and immunize your population. I think you made reference to that. And I am curious how long it would take to do that.
Mr. Netanyahu. It does not take very long. I don't want to get into these discussions. I will just tell you that, for example, the cost of a vaccination against smallpox, which is what we are really talking about, the cheap one costs 20 cents and the expensive one costs $1.
Well, you know, we have 6 million citizens in Israel. Not a huge cost. And I think we are well underway to produce this. But I am saying--I don't want to get into the intricacies, Congressman Shays, of the precise way of allocating vaccines and other devices, but I want to say and I do want to stress the principle once again, and I thank you for again bringing it up, I think it is absolutely essential that the United States and Israel see to it that Israel has all the means of civil defense available in today's world before that action is initiated. If not, then the risk that we are taking will be an undue risk.
I do not represent the government. The government, I don't know if it even takes a formal position, but I do talk to an awful lot of Israelis across the board. And I think they would, if they were here, approximate--and if I can speak for so many people who actually agree with me, they would say, yes, we want Saddam's regime taken out; yes, we are prepared to take the risk; but no, we are not prepared to take a risk that has not been reduced to its barest minimum.
And it is not difficult to see that all of these means of civil defense are available. That is as important a responsibility of the United States as it is of Israel because, after all, Israel will be the first one attacked.
Mr. Shays. Israel has been fighting terrorism for 50 years, and you clearly have learned a long time ago there is no good terrorist. It has been amazing, the thought that your country has put into this effort, and we are learning a great deal from you.
The chairman did want some questions about Saudi Arabia. It has never come up in any dialog. I don't think you brought it up, and I am curious why it has not kind of shown.
Mr. Netanyahu. I thought I was talking about Saudi Arabia all the time, Mr. Shays. I think that Saudi Arabia is one of those cases of a regime that at once has fueled terrorism and at the same time has espoused a relationship with the United States. It has fueled terrorism by funding terrorists, including al Qaeda received a lot of Saudi money in the early nineties. But it is now fueling Palestinian terrorism by offering a graduated remuneration system for suicide bombers. Saudis pay the families. That is as big as stimulus as you can--incentive for the suicide bombing. The disincentive is that the family is actually worse off. And if you had an incentive that the family benefits from Saudi money, you are actually stimulating terrorism.
So Saudi Arabia has been doing that, and it has also been unfortunately fomenting inside Saudi Arabia and outside Saudi Arabia, the Wahhabist creed that is I think a particularly insidious form of militant Islam. At the same time, Saudi Arabia, at least on the diplomatic level, claims to be a friend of the United States. I think the way to handle that is to say to the Saudis something that President Bush had outlined in one of his speeches. He said, ``All nations will have to choose. You are either with us or against us in this battle.'' And I think the Saudis should be held accountable to that. I think they should be pressed as forcefully as possible to cease and desist those things that promote militancy and terror, and I think you should hold them to it.
Mr. Shays. Is it your view that the Hamas and the Hezbollah on occasion work together?
Mr. Netanyahu. That the Hamas and Hezbollah--absolutely. We know they cooperate.
Mr. Shays. Funded primarily by the Iranians and Syrians?
Mr. Netanyahu. Funded by Iran, the Hezbollah is operating with the compliance of Syria on Syrian-controlled soil in Lebanon. Syria also enables Iran to land planes in Damascus airport, stockpiled with rockets, rockets aimed at our cities, and other weaponry to go through Syrian territory and Syrian- controlled territory in Lebanon to reach the Hezbollah.
Hezbollah is a perfect example of the terrorist network. You have two terrorist regimes cooperating with one another, fielding a third terror organization that has links to about, oh, about a dozen directly--links to about a dozen of the two dozen or so terror organizations. Direct links, so everybody is connected in concentric circles.
Mr. Shays. If you could sort this out for me, though, I was trying to allude to it at the end when my time was really running out. I thought--not to put a nice word next to horrific people--but I gave the al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden credit for doing something that has not happened in the past, and that is basically to unite a world organization of terrorism, schooled at the university in Afghanistan. But whether they were from Indonesia, Malaysia, they train in Kosovo, in Chechnya, that come back--what I am struck with is that it strikes me that-- there is really no good terrorist--that they interact. That if a nation like Iraq is having Abu Nidal as a resident, protected, that is a very strong case for the fact that this is in fact a terrorist nation interacting with the rest of the world in this fight against the West.
And I guess I would like you to tell me why we cannot hold accountable the people that Saddam Hussein houses and allows to live in his country, why we can't make the very strong claim that he is a part of al Qaeda and the whole organizational process.
Mr. Netanyahu. Well, he provides safe haven to Abu Nidal and others who practice terrorism. And without safe haven, there is no terrorism. Syria does the same. There are more than a dozen terrorist groups that have official addresses in Damascus. It is the same system. And I think that obviously right now he is very careful. He would be very careful right now. He is under the gun. He understands that his days appear to be numbered, so he will make all the noises and he will make all the gestures to say that he is abandoning it and finished with it and so on; all the while trying in his basement, the basement of his 50 palaces, to develop the bomb. If he gets away with that, then he will treat you and us and everyone very differently.
By the way, I should say that within the constituent parts of the terror networks, both the regimes and the organizations, there is cooperation and harmony but there is also competition. Everyone wants to be the king of the militant Islamic heap. They all want to be on the top. The new Saladins or the new Nassers. And Osama bin Laden wants to be the ultimate grand maestro of terrorism. And I must say that he has capabilities, unfortunately, or has talents that put him close to the top. They all want to be the linchpins, they all want to be the crucial one that connects, unites, and commands all the rest. But effectively what they do is cooperate with one another.
And unless you dismantle this system in its entirety--if you leave any part of it intact it will grow, it will grow back. It is like a malignant growth. You have to get rid of the system. And I think we are getting close to getting rid of the system.
Mr. Shays. We are about to adjourn. Is there anything else that you want to put on this Congressional Record?
Mr. Netanyahu. I want to thank you and Mr. Shays and Congressman Burton and, first of all, thank Congressman Lantos for the degree of his patience and also for all of your discerning comments. I think that today was another expression of the strength of this country and the strength of democracy. Nations, democracies, do not go to war easily and they usually debate and argue before they do.
Sometimes they have to be bombed into going to war. In fact, that is what happened in World War II. All of Europe had been conquered. America was actually bombed in Pearl Harbor and was--and that was a pivotal event that opened the eyes of Americans, and once their eyes were opened they gathered the power that is available in this great free Nation, and the result was preordained.
I think in a similar way, the bombing of September 11th opened the eyes of Americans to see the great conflict and the great dirge that face us; and once opened, and the overpowering will of the majority of the people of the United States, of the steamroller that is inexorably moving to decide this battle.
I think this was called by Congressman Lantos ``the hinge of history,'' and it is exactly that. It is the hinge of history. And 1 year later, I can come in and say that history is moving in the right direction. That had America not woken up, had America not mobilized his action, had it not--if it had not had the courageous leadership of President Bush, then I would not be able to say that I am confident today.
But I am saying that I believe that the war on terror is going in the right direction and that I am confident that if we pursue this direction, then we will achieve victory. And victory is victory for America and victory for Israel and victory for Britain; victory for all the democracies, however vacillating and however reluctant their governments are. This is a victory for all free societies, and I am sure it will be achieved. Thank you.
Mr. Shays. I would just conclude by saying it is going to be a very interesting debate, because even in my district, the phone calls against preemptive action are basically 40 to 1 against it. So it is going to be interesting to see how this plays out.
And just on a lighter note, you mentioned television; and one of your colleagues, Foreign Minister Perez, said ``Television makes dictators impossible.'' And then he went on to say, ``It makes democracy intolerable.''
Mr. Netanyahu. I would agree with that part of Mr. Perez's statement.
Mr. Shays. Have a good day, thank you for coming. This hearing is adjourned.
Mr. Netanyahu. Thank you very much.
[Whereupon, at 4:40 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
From <https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-107hhrg83514/html/CHRG-107hhrg83514.htm>
History Note | Truman on Israel
Nixon | No Srategic Value to the United States
So why loan, donate, risk U.S. lives for Israel? The Moral Commitment to the "Holocaust" and because its a "Democracy" (but it's an Apartheid territorial grabbing state always starting wars!
Truman on Israel | The Jews wanted to run the Arabs into the Tigris/Euphrates Rivers
Chastises Eisenhower, says Nasser should be run into Sudan
Video 3min 10sec | Library version
President Truman Tapes (selected) in Israel
MP2002-477
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N0DvO72fuG4
MP2002-344
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NnkOi7q4uI0
MP2002-342
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dDpQLKQkbkY&t=5s
MP2002-360 Former President Truman Discusses the Recognition of Israel
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j3xkpiv_6S8
MP64-1 Former President Truman Speaks to Hadassah Convention in St. Louis, Missouri
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iZie3EeVPFE
Trumans Letters RE Establishment Chronology Israel